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Good managed care needs universal health insurance.

Although the increase of corporate managed care has helped to reduce excesses and costs, continued gains in cost-effectiveness depend on good clinically managed care. Benefits of clinically managed care depend on stable contracts and universal coverage. Instead, employers are decreasing coverage and creating a market of "lemons" in which low-cost plans are rewarded for cost-cutting tactics. These tactics have spawned movements that demand rights for patients and providers. Choosing to shore up those rights, however, will increase the number of uninsured persons. This tragic choice, which no other industrialized nation has permitted, will not be resolved until some form of universal health insurance is implemented.

Cost Control↗

Review of universal health insurance: should we try it?

Health care delivery and finances are fragmented in the United States resulting in inaccessible services to many in need. Other countries with universal health insurance have developed systems that provide basic care for all individuals while maintaining costs in a reasonable range. It is time to make tough decisions to enhance the public's health status and gain control over the destiny of medical practice, while considering the bottom line.

Delivery of Health Care↗

A consumer-choice health plan for the 1990s. Universal health insurance in a system designed to promote quality and economy (2).

We describe the characteristics necessary for a plan for universal health insurance to find broad acceptance. Such a plan must represent incremental, not radical, change; must respect the preferences of voters, patients, and providers; must avoid major disruption in satisfactory existing arrangements; must avoid creating major windfall gains or losses; must avoid large-scale income redistribution; and must not be inflationary. Our proposal would create a framework that would encourage the efficient organization of care. Successful organizations would probably be those that attracted the loyalty and commitment of physicians, integrated insurance and the provision of care, and aligned the interests of doctors and patients toward high-quality, cost-effective care. The proposal's chief potential disadvantage would be its effect on the employment opportunities of low-wage workers, but this effect could be minimized. In addition, we discuss a proposal to mandate coverage by employers of full-time employees, legislation enacted recently in Massachusetts, high-risk pools, and the system followed in Canada, comparing each of these alternatives with our proposal.

Canada↗

How much might universal health insurance reduce socioeconomic disparities in health? : A comparison of the US and Canada.

A strong association between lower socioeconomic status and worse health has been documented within many countries, but little work has been done to compare the strength of this relationship across countries. We compare the strength of the relationship between income and self-reported health in the US and Canada. We find that being below median income raises the likelihood that a middle-aged person is in poor or fair health by about 15 percentage points in the US, compared with less than 8 percentage points in Canada. We also find that this 7 percentage points stronger relationship between low income and poor health in the US compared with Canada is reduced by about 4 percentage points after age 65, the age at which virtually all US citizens receive basic health insurance through the Medicare programme. Income differences in the probability that an individual lacks a usual source of care are also significantly larger in the US than in Canada before the age of 65, but about the same after age 65. Our results are therefore consistent with the theory that the availability of universal health insurance in the US, or at least some other difference that occurs around the age of 65 in one country but not the other, decreases the difference in the strength of the income-health relationship in the US compared with Canada.

Adult↗

Designing a reproductive health services package in the universal health insurance scheme in Thailand: match and mismatch of need, demand and supply.

In October 2001 Thailand introduced universal healthcare coverage (UC) financed by general tax revenue. This paper aims to assess the design and content of the UC benefit package, focusing on the part of the package concerned with sexual and reproductive health (SRH). The economic concept of need, demand and supply in the process of developing the SRH package was applied to the analysis. The analysis indicated that SRH constitutes a major part of the package, including the control of communicable and non-communicable diseases, the promotion and maintenance of reproductive health, and early detection and management of reproductive health problems. In addition, the authors identified seven areas within three overlapping spheres; namely need, demand and supply. The burden of disease on reproductive conditions was used as a proxy indicator of health needs in the population; the findings of a study of private obstetric practice in public hospitals as a proxy of patients' demands; and the SRH services offered in the UC package as a proxy of general healthcare supply. The authors recommend that in order to ensure that healthcare needs match consumer demand, the inclusion of SRH services not currently offered in the package (e.g. treatment of HIV infection, abortion services) should be considered, if additional resources can be made available. Where health needs exist but consumers do not express demand, and the appropriate SRH services would provide external benefits to society (e.g. the programme for prevention of sexual and gender-related violence), policymakers are encouraged to expand and offer these services. Efforts should be made to create consumer awareness and stimulate demand. Research can play an important role in identifying the services in which supply matches demand but does not necessarily reflect the health needs of the population (e.g. unnecessary investigations and prescriptions). Where only demand or supply exists (e.g. breast cosmetic procedures and unproven effective interventions), these SRH services should be excluded from the package and left to private financing and providers, the government playing a regulatory role.

Health Services Needs and Demand↗

Universal health insurance coverage does not eliminate inequities in access to cardiac procedures after acute myocardial infarction.

BACKGROUND: It remains unclear whether socioeconomic status (SES) influences access to invasive cardiac procedures after acute myocardial infarction (AMI) in a universal health care system. The objective of this study was to evaluate the effect of SES on access to cardiac procedure after AMI in a universal health care system. METHODS: This was an observational cohort study of all patients with a first AMI in the province of Quebec, Canada, between 1985 to 1995. Information on treatment was obtained from the discharge and physicians' claims databases. SES was obtained from census data by linking postal codes. SES-independent predictors of use were identified, then incorporated in hierarchical models to predict use in low, medium, and high SES areas. The main outcome measures were rates of cardiac catheterization, percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), and coronary artery bypass graft surgery (CABG) as a function of SES. RESULTS: SES data were available for 62,364 individuals with a first AMI. Of these, 65% were men and the mean age was 64 +/- 13 years. Rates of cardiac procedures rose with an increase in several SES measures. After adjustment for individual-level predictors of use of cardiac catheterization, average rent, (odds ratio per $100 difference: 1.57, 95% credible interval: 1.36 to 1.80) and proportion of renters, (odds ratio, 2.2; 95% CI: 1.21 to 3.73) in the area were independent SES predictors. Patients in low SES areas (median family income: $ 30,809 CDN) were less likely to undergo cardiac catheterization than patients in high SES areas ($92,169 CDN) (men: 33%; compared with 47%; women: 18%; compared with 47%). However, among patients with cardiac catheterization, SES was not associated with the use of revascularization procedures. For example, PCI rates for men within 90 days after AMI were 26%, compared with 25% in low and high SES areas, respectively. CABG rates were 15%, compared with 19%. CONCLUSIONS: We found that in the universal health care system of Canada, access to cardiac catheterization after AMI varied according to SES. Among those with cardiac catheterization, SES did not appear to influence further use of revascularization procedures.

Aged↗

Including an all-payer reimbursement system in a universal health insurance program.

This article examines the feasibility of including an all-payer reimbursement system in a universal health care program in the United States. An all-payer system would keep intact the current array of private and public insurers, but would require that they each pay the same price for hospital and physician services. The article concludes that an all-payer system would face far fewer political barriers than a purely government-financed system. Furthermore, it has a number of advantages over the financing schemes currently used, particularly with respect to enhancing access to care and controlling costs. But there are several potential problems: agreeing on a common payment rate; controlling the volume of services provided; devising a way of incorporating alternative delivery systems; and dealing with the issue of whether providers will be able to "balance bill". The extent to which these problems can be solved will, to a large degree, determine whether an all-payer system can live up to its promise.

Cost Control↗