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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources
PubMed1993

Will universal health insurance assure universal access to ongoing primary care for adults?

OBJECTIVE: To assess the impact of current public insurance status (Medicare and Medicaid) and hypothetical payment levels of a new insurance program on physician acceptance of adult primary care patients desiring continuing care. METHOD: Survey of 175 primary care physicians in a medium-sized city and six surrounding counties in North Carolina. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Likelihood of accepting new continuing care patients covered by Medicare, Medicaid, or a hypothetical health insurance system mandated to cover the uninsured. RESULTS: The response rate was 80%; 86% of the respondents were accepting new patients with private insurance. Of the remaining physicians, 72% were not accepting new continuing care patients covered by Medicaid and 55% were not accepting patients who paid via Medicare assignment alone. Seventy-nine percent of respondents were unlikely to accept new continuing care patients insured by a hypothetical public plan that reimbursed physicians at 60% of reimbursement levels provided by privately insured patients, compared with only 25% who were unlikely to accept patients if the reimbursement was 80% of the private level. CONCLUSIONS: Medicaid and Medicare do not assure access to continuing primary care. Also, physician reimbursement is an important determinant in any new health care system designed to provide universal and consistent access to regular primary care services.

Adult↗
PubMed1990

Free enterprise, professional ideology, and self-interest: an analysis of resistance by Canadian physicians to universal health insurance.

Under Canada's universal health care system, physicians are remunerated through government-run health insurance plans; a private market for physicians' services is virtually nonexistent. A proposal to ban the practice of extra-billing, whereby some physicians billed patients for amounts over and above insured rates, met with physicians' opposition. The particular constellation of legislative, social, and political events that followed the proposed ban presented a unique opportunity to explore the nature of the medical profession's resistance to encroachment on professional autonomy. The results of this survey of physicians in four specialties (N = 313) in metropolitan Toronto suggest that resistance to universal health insurance is complex; it involves a prevailing social ideology among physicians, which happens to be antiwelfare and conservative generally, entangled with economic self-interest and a specific set of beliefs about medical practice and physicians' rights and privileges.

Attitude of Health Personnel↗
PubMed1990

Wide CEO support for universal health insurance.

How do health care CEOs feel about universal health insurance? The time is ripe for universal health insurance funded by both government and business, according to 70 percent of responding hospital CEOs. But the majority are against a Canadian-type program that would be funded exclusively by government.

Attitude of Health Personnel↗
PubMed1990

Universal health insurance: lessons of the 1970s, prospects for the 1990s.

In the 1970s, proposals for universal health insurance were not successful. Health care providers, insurers, and others negotiating in the political process foresaw a better future without such legislation. Today, the growth of health insurance coverage has unmistakably reversed. Moral discomfort and self-interest shape the new politics of universal health insurance for the 1990s. Hospitals, physicians, insurers, employers, and tens of millions of individuals would benefit from a universal health insurance plan that was mindful of their concerns and interests. Proposals that require employers to provide insurance for full-time employees and expand public programs to cover to cover other uninsured persons now have the greatest chances for enactment. As leaders, health services and health insurance executives should be in the vanguard of efforts to enact universal health insurance.

Employment↗
PubMed1997

The effect of universal health insurance on health care utilization in Taiwan. Results from a natural experiment.

CONTEXT: The government of Taiwan introduced universal health insurance to cover all citizens in 1995. This national health insurance program was proposed to assure the accessibility to health care at reasonable cost. Evaluation of the consequences, including health care utilization and expenditure, is crucial for policy adjustment. OBJECTIVES: To evaluate the effect of Taiwan's national health insurance on health care utilization. DESIGN: Cohort survey conducted before and after the implementation of the national health insurance program. PARTICIPANTS: A total of 1021 randomly selected Taiwanese adults. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Physician visits in the 2 weeks prior to the survey and hospital admissions and emergency department visits in the immediate past year. RESULTS: After the introduction of universal health insurance, the newly insured consumed more than twice the amount of outpatient physician visits (0.21 vs 0.48, P<.05) and hospital admissions (0.04 vs 0.11, P<.05) than before universal health insurance was implemented, bringing them to the same amount of health care contacts as the previously insured group. The newly insured also experienced an insignificant increase in emergency department visits. In contrast, the previously insured group had a small but statistically significant increase in outpatient visits (0.48 vs 0.59, P<.05) and insignificant changes in hospital admissions and emergency department visits. CONCLUSION: The universal health insurance removed some barriers to health care for those newly insured. The copayment design in the insurance scheme seemed to have an insignificant effect on curbing medical care utilization. Taiwanese health policy analysts should seriously consider the growth of health care expenditures since the implementation of universal health insurance.

Adult↗
PubMed1991

Expanding Medicare and employer plans to achieve universal health insurance.

This article presents a proposal for expanding Medicare and employer-based health insurance plans to achieve universal health insurance. Under this proposed health care financing system, employees would provide basic health insurance coverage to workers and dependents, or pay a payroll tax contribution toward the cost of their coverage under Medicare. States would have the option of buying all Medicaid beneficiaries and other poor individuals into Medicare by paying the Medicare premiums and cost sharing. Other uninsured individuals would be automatically covered by Medicare. Employer plans would incorporate Medicare's provider payment methods. This proposal would result in incremental federal governmental outlays on the order of $25 billion annually. These new federal budgetary costs would be met through a combination of premiums, employer payroll tax, income tax, and general tax revenues. The principal advantage of this plan is that it draws on the strengths of the current system while simplifying the benefit and provider payment structure and instituting innovations to promote efficiency.

Costs and Cost Analysis↗
PubMed1992

Financing universal health insurance: taxes, premiums, and the lessons of social insurance.

In a society with strong antitax sentiment and large government deficits, the enactment of universal health insurance is blocked by an impasse over financing. The two chief mechanisms for funding universal health insurance are taxes and insurance premiums. Taxes and premiums are not distinct entities; rather, a spectrum of financing methods exists with varying tax-like and premium-like features. Premium-like financing tends to be voluntary and earmarked for health care, with coverage contingent upon making payments and payments going to private insurance firms. Tax-like financing, in contrast, tends to be mandatory and not earmarked for health care, with coverage not dependent upon making payments and payments going to governments. Over the past century, most industrialized nations have developed highly popular social insurance programs to cover periods of retirement, disability, unemployment, and payment for medical care. Social insurance constitutes a blend of tax-like and premium-like features, offering lessons that might assist in breaking the current impasse over universal health insurance financing.

Fees and Charges↗
PubMed1992

Achieving universal health insurance in Korea: a model for other developing countries?

As developing countries explore alternative methods to provide universal health insurance coverage, one potential model is South Korea. In twelve years (from 1977 to 1989), Korea was able to achieve universal health insurance coverage first by mandating employer based health insurance coverage for medium and large firms and then by establishing regional health insurance systems for small firms, farmers and the self-employed. A government medical aid insurance program was instituted for low income citizens. The specifics of the plan and some of the issues encountered in implementing the plan may be of interest to developing countries who want to achieve universal health insurance while maintaining a significant role for the private sector.

Developing Countries↗
PubMed1977

Prepaid group practice under universal health insurance in Canada.

This paper describes the experience of the two prepaid group practice plans in Ontario before and after universal health insurance. Both plans were capitalized, before national health insurance, by member contributions and both have had persistent problems with enrollment constraints and professional opposition. The Sault Ste. Marie Plan began in 1963, six years before Canadian medicare. The plan was paid a capitation fee for medical services but did not share in savings from its reduced hospital use. After universal insurance sharing in decreased hospital use was offset by regulations which allowed plan members to use non-plan physicians at Plan expense. Payments to non-plan physicians now take up 20 per cent of Plan income. Active enrollment of members has been replaced by a Ministry of Health registration system which is based on overall utilization. The St. Catharine's Plan began at the same time as universal insurance in 1969. Its out-of-plan use averaged about 40 per cent of total income. Most recently this program has shifted from capitation to cost-reimbursement payment. In Canada present trends include cost containment, financing by general tax revenues rather than premiums and increased categorical benefits. Under Canadian universal health insurance prepaid group practice has an uncertain future.

Canada↗
PubMed1993

Hawaii's near-universal health insurance--lessons learned.

To date, Hawaii is the only state to have implemented near-universal health insurance. The cornerstone of this program is the country's only requirement that employers provide health insurance for all employees who work at least 20 hours per week. Combined with low unemployment, voluntary modified community rating by health insurers, and expanded Medicaid and Medicare, this employer mandate has been part of a patchwork mechanism that insures upwards to 95 percent of the state's population. Indeed, by adding a state-sponsored gap group-insurance program, Hawaii may now insure in excess of 95 percent of its population. The program has generated good health outcomes, good consumer satisfaction, and relatively modest overall health care expenditures. But for all that near-universal insurance provides, there is still a great need for community-based preventive and primary care programs with outreach and family support services. In addition, traditionally underserved populations continue to be at increased risk. Both funding reform and continued infrastructure development must occur to achieve universal access to care.

Cost-Benefit Analysis↗
PubMed1979

Universal health insurance in Canada: history, problems, trends.

This paper describes the universal health insurance program in Canada and identifies the historical events and social values leading to its adoption. Universal hospital insurance was adopted in 1958, ten years before medical insurance, as a result hospital-based patterns of practice were solidified. Through cost sharing, the federal government influenced the provinces to enact relatively uniform universal plans. From 1951 to 1971 health care expenditures rose rapidly to 7.3% of the gross national product (GNP), but have since decreased and stabilized at about 6.9%. In contrast, health care in the United States represents 8.6% of GNP. Hospital use also increased rapidly in Canada to 1970 but appears to have stabilized and decreased slightly in this decade. Physician incomes rose rapidly before 1971, but since then the increases have slowed and relative incomes of physicians have fallen. Althouth the percent of GNP spent for health care has leveled, there are still substantial annual increases in expenditures that are paid for by government. Two federal initiatives, Bill C-37 and the Lalonde Report, have their roots in cost containment; Bill C-37 transfers greater taxing authority from the federal government to the provinces. To meet the goal of containing costs, provincial governments are moving in the direction of regionalization, decentralization, and greater coordination. In the short term, the provinces have limited hospital budgetary increases to percentages less than the rate of inflation. Cost constraints may be long overdue. Imposing fiscal limits encourages rational planning. It does not appear that the health of Canadians will be adversely affected or essential benefits curtailed by present budgetary restrictions or reorganization.

Adult↗
PubMed1989

A new perspective on universal health insurance. Interview by Donald E.L. Johnson.

Stanford University professor Alain Enthoven and his associate Richard Kronick have developed a proposal for national, universal health insurance for Americans not covered by Medicare or Medicaid. The plan, published in the Jan. 5 and Jan. 12 editions of The New England Journal of Medicine, would mandate health insurance coverage for all workers. "Public sponsors," such as large employers and the Health Care Financing Administration, would be retained, to create agencies to buy group health insurance for the uninsured and for employees of firms too small to act as sponsors. In this interview with Donald E.L. Johnson, Health Care Strategic Management's editor and publisher, Enthoven discusses the plan.

Health Benefit Plans, Employee↗
PubMed1990

Practice guidelines and professional autonomy in a universal health insurance system: the case of tissue plasminogen activator in Ontario.

Ontario's universal health insurance system has placed few constraints on the clinical and economic autonomy of medical doctors. Although fees are standardized, most physicians remain in private fee-for-service practice and thereby retain control of the mix and volume of services. Utilization review is minimal. While organized medicine has argued that health care is 'under-funded', the government is pressing for better use of extant resources through firmer management of the medical services sector. The Ontario Medical Association (OMA), the major bargaining agent for doctors in the province, has accordingly sought to protect professional autonomy by developing voluntary self-regulatory approaches that obviate the need for external controls over physician practice patterns. Part of this strategy is promulgation of practice guidelines. Tissue plasminogen activator (t-PA), a clot-lysing drug for myocardial infarction, was released in late 1987, and, at C$2950 per treatment, constituted an unforeseen add-on cost for hospitals. The OMA subsequently convened an expert panel to develop guidelines for thrombolysis in myocardial infarction. Among the unanticipated results was the conclusion that insufficient evidence had accumulated to recommend routine use of t-PA instead of streptokinase, an older drug costing C$290. The OMA panel's guidelines were approved by the OMA executive, and led the government to reject special add-on funding for hospitals purchasing t-PA. The OMA's position and government decision provoked negative reactions from the OMA's own cardiology section. Indicative of clinicians' feelings, a follow-up survey of cardiologists and internists showed that only 28% of respondents were indifferent between t-PA and streptokinase, while 64% preferred t-PA. On the other hand, 74% supported clinical policy development by the OMA, while 94% opposed direct government involvement in guideline-setting. The case of the OMA thrombolysis guidelines illustrates a strategic conundrum facing Canadian organized medicine. Professional activism in guideline-setting may in theory protect the individual practitioner's autonomy by offering a voluntary alternative to utilization management by government, and is likely to strengthen the collective influence of organized medicine. However, among the risks are alienation of practitioners who see professional guidelines and government control as two sides of the same regulatory coin, and the transmogrification of voluntary guidelines into parameters for cost control and utilization management by government or hospitals. Future initiatives will depend on how these benefits and risks are weighed.

Cost Control↗
PubMed1975

On paying the fiddler to change the tune: further evidence from Ontario regarding the impace of universal health insurance on the organization and patterns of medical practice.

This paper compares the findings from a 1973 community household interview survey conducted in Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, with the findings from a similar study conducted in 1968 in the same city by a research team from the World Health Organization. Sault Ste. Marie is the site of the first Canadian consumer-sponsored prepaid group practice. Opposition by the private, solo practice sector of this community to this new modality of medical practice was considerable. Since 1969, with the introduction of universal health insurance in Ontario, the cost and benefit differences between solo and group practice medical care have been eliminated. By comparing the findings from the 1973 study with similar data from the 1968 WHO survey, observations can be made about the impact of universal health insurance on the organization and patterns of medical practice. Implications for the United States are important in view of the recent passage of the Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 and the expected enactment of some form of national health insurance.

Consumer Behavior↗
PubMed1999

Good managed care needs universal health insurance.

Although the increase of corporate managed care has helped to reduce excesses and costs, continued gains in cost-effectiveness depend on good clinically managed care. Benefits of clinically managed care depend on stable contracts and universal coverage. Instead, employers are decreasing coverage and creating a market of "lemons" in which low-cost plans are rewarded for cost-cutting tactics. These tactics have spawned movements that demand rights for patients and providers. Choosing to shore up those rights, however, will increase the number of uninsured persons. This tragic choice, which no other industrialized nation has permitted, will not be resolved until some form of universal health insurance is implemented.

Cost Control↗
PubMed1997

Review of universal health insurance: should we try it?

Health care delivery and finances are fragmented in the United States resulting in inaccessible services to many in need. Other countries with universal health insurance have developed systems that provide basic care for all individuals while maintaining costs in a reasonable range. It is time to make tough decisions to enhance the public's health status and gain control over the destiny of medical practice, while considering the bottom line.

Delivery of Health Care↗
PubMed1989

A consumer-choice health plan for the 1990s. Universal health insurance in a system designed to promote quality and economy (2).

We describe the characteristics necessary for a plan for universal health insurance to find broad acceptance. Such a plan must represent incremental, not radical, change; must respect the preferences of voters, patients, and providers; must avoid major disruption in satisfactory existing arrangements; must avoid creating major windfall gains or losses; must avoid large-scale income redistribution; and must not be inflationary. Our proposal would create a framework that would encourage the efficient organization of care. Successful organizations would probably be those that attracted the loyalty and commitment of physicians, integrated insurance and the provision of care, and aligned the interests of doctors and patients toward high-quality, cost-effective care. The proposal's chief potential disadvantage would be its effect on the employment opportunities of low-wage workers, but this effect could be minimized. In addition, we discuss a proposal to mandate coverage by employers of full-time employees, legislation enacted recently in Massachusetts, high-risk pools, and the system followed in Canada, comparing each of these alternatives with our proposal.

Canada↗