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Family size, fertility preferences, and sex ratio in China in the era of the one child family policy: results from national family planning and reproductive health survey.

OBJECTIVES: To examine the impact of the one child family policy in China on fertility, preferred family size, and sex ratio. DESIGN: Secondary analysis of data from the Chinese cross sectional national family planning and reproductive health survey, 2001. Interviews of representative sample of women aged 15-49. RESULTS: Data were obtained from 39,585 women, with a total of 73,202 pregnancies and 56,830 live births. The average fertility rate in women over 35 (n = 17,078) was 1.94 (2.1 in rural areas and 1.4 in urban areas) and for women under 35 (n = 11,543) 1.73 (1.25 and 1.79). Smaller families were associated with younger age, higher level of education, and living in an urban area. The male to female ratio was 1.15 and rose from 1.11 in 1980-9 to 1.23 for 1996-2001. Most women wanted small families: 35% preferred one child and 57% preferred two. CONCLUSION: Since the one child family policy began, the total birth rate and preferred family size have decreased, and a gross imbalance in the sex ratio has emerged.

Adolescent↗

Fertility policy in China: future options.

A wide range of social, economic, and demographic criteria are used to evaluate China's present one-child policy and five alternative fertility policies that might guide China's population control efforts until the end of the century when the one-child policy is scheduled to be abandoned. These criteria include the policies' macrodemographic impact on total population size and population aging; their microdemographic effects on the family's ability to support the elderly, its economic capabilities, and the position of women; and their cultural acceptability to the majority Han Chinese population. The results suggest that the least desirable strategy is to retain the present policy; all the two-child alternatives perform better than the current one-child policy in achieving the policy goals considered.

Aging↗

The one child family policy: the good, the bad, and the ugly.

Rapid population growth in China during the 1950s and '60s led to the "late, long, few" policy of the 1970s and a dramatic reduction in the total fertility rate. However, population growth remained too high for the economic targets of Deng Xiao Ping's reforms, so the one child family policy was introduced in 1979 and has remained in force ever since. The strategy is different in urban and rural areas, and implementation varies from place to place depending on local conditions. The policy has been beneficial in terms of curbing population growth, aiding economic growth, and improving the health and welfare of women and children. On the negative side there are concerns about demographic and sex imbalance and the psychological effects for a generation of only children in the cities. The atrocities often associated with the policy, such as female infanticide, occur rarely now. China may relax the policy in the near future, probably allowing two children for everyone.

Attitude↗

Birth planning and sterilization in China.

Sterilization is the most prevalent method of contraception in China. Approximately half of all women of reproductive age report that they or their husbands are sterilized. Using data from the China Health and Nutrition Survey we describe patterns of sterilization in eight Chinese provinces. With a discrete-time event history model we investigate the link between characteristics of local birth planning policy and the risk of sterilization. After controlling for parity, the risk of sterilization is highest in communities where birth planning policy is least strong as measured by exceptions to the one-child policy. These results suggest that couples with more flexibility in family building may have less control over contraceptive method use. Other factors affecting the risk of sterilization are a woman's age, parity, and whether or not she has a son. Our results emphasize the importance of taking into account multiple dimensions of reproductive behaviour when assessing one-child policy changes.

China↗

Family planning and women's lives in rural China.

CONTEXT: By 1979, China had begun implementing the so-called one-child policy, which severely restricts couples' childbearing. It is important to understand Chinese women's perceptions of how their lives have been affected by this policy and by the use of family planning. METHODS: Survey and focus group data collected in 1996 and 1998 from women in three Chinese provinces-Jiangsu, Anhui and Yunnan-were used to examine links connecting family planning and childbearing to women's lives within the family, including their relationships with spouses and other family members, and their opportunities for education, employment and social activities. RESULTS: Women related family planning to the country's economic situation and to their ability to prosper by having fewer children to support. Increased prosperity enabled them to provide for children's education and to build them houses. In Jiangsu, 73-75% of respondents who had had one child were satisfied with their number of children, regardless of sex; in Anhui and Yunnan, 54-58% of women who had one son and no daughter reported being satisfied, compared with 31-50% of women who had one daughter and no sons. The great majority (73-99%) of women in all three provinces who had two children-regardless of sex-were satisfied with their number of children. CONCLUSIONS: Few women disputed that women's lives were better now than in the past. China's one-child policy, however, places women-particularly those in rural areas-in a situation where they are pressured by the government's childbearing requirements on one side and by society's preference for sons on the other.

Adult↗

Ageing in rural China: impacts of increasing diversity in family and community resources.

The majority of China's population lives in rural areas and a pattern is emerging of very uneven provision of support for rural elderly people. Local economic conditions and broad demographic trends are creating diversity in the ability both of rural families to care for their elderly kin and in the capacity of communities to support their elderly residents and family carers. In part as a consequence of China's population policy and the 'one-child policy', future Chinese families will have fewer members and be 'older', but they will continue to be regarded emotionally and in policy as the main source of economic and social support for the elderly. The increasing involvement of women in the paid workforce and the changing geographical distribution of family members resulting from work-related migration, are reducing the ability of families to care for their elderly relatives. The availability of resources other than the family for the care of older persons therefore becomes a key issue. Communities in more prosperous, modernising rural areas are often able to provide their elderly residents with welfare and social benefits previously found almost exclusively in urban areas. However, in poorly developed rural areas, provision is either very patchy or non-existent and the local economy cannot support expansion or improvement. A case study in Zhejiang Province illustrates the favourable provision for ageing in a prosperous modernising rural community, in which entitled elderly residents are provided with an impressive array of financial and social benefits. The paper concludes with a consideration of the policy implications of the growing differentiation of the social and economic capacity of rural communities to support their elderly members.

Journal Article↗