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PubMed2002

Five-factor personality measures in Chinese university students: effects of one-child policy?

Since the one-child policy was implemented in China in 1979, many investigators have studied the psychological consequences to children without siblings. Although the results are not conclusive, there is evidence that children who have siblings, rather than only children, have increased anxiety and depression. Whether the differences between students with and without siblings would continue when they reached university age is an interesting question. We used the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire to assess personality traits and the Plutchik-van Praag Depression Inventory to measure depressed mood in 134 university students with and 126 university students without siblings. Most students without siblings (93.7%) were reared in urban areas, while 90.3% of students with siblings came from rural areas. Parental professions were higher in social status and annual family incomes were higher in students without siblings. Increased neuroticism-anxiety, aggression-hostility, and depressed mood were found in students with siblings. Gender and annual family income were not significantly related to personality in the two groups, and birth-order position was not related to personality in the students with siblings. In contrast, the depression score was positively correlated with neuroticism-anxiety and aggression-hostility, but negatively correlated with parental occupation and annual family income. The greater competition to receive high education, reduced benefits from society, and lower level of social respect might nurture these personality traits in students with siblings. These findings might, in some limited aspects, indicate that the one-child policy affects personality traits and depressed mood in students with siblings.

Aggression↗

PubMed1998

Looking locally at China's one-child policy.

Of all the reforms and policies set in motion in the early 1980s in China, the one-child policy has been called the most far-reaching in its implications for China's population and economic development. Almost two decades later, little is known about what the policy looks like across local neighborhoods and villages. To sketch a more general picture of the one-child policy, this article presents panel data from three waves of the China Health and Nutrition Survey (1989, 1991, and 1993) collected in 167 communities in eight provinces. Local policy, including policy strength and policy incentives and disincentives, is detailed separately for urban and rural areas. These data confirm that no single one-child policy exists; policy varied considerably from place to place and within individual communities during the 1989-93 period.

China↗

PubMed2001

China's one-child policy: the economic choices and consequences faced by pregnant women.

This paper addresses the important issue of the effect of China's one-child policy on prenatal and obstetric care utilization. The paper provides the first detailed empirical approach to this question, exploiting a unique high quality household survey. China officially codified a set of rules and regulations in 1979 governing the approved size of Chinese families, commonly known as the one-child policy. The policy imposed economic and social costs on families failing to adhere to the family size limits. In particular, the policy raised the price of obstetric medical services for unapproved pregnancies in comparison to approved pregnancies and imposed fines on families with unapproved births. Using data from an eight-province longitudinal household survey (The China Health and Nutrition Survey), we investigate whether or not the one-child policy's financial penalties were associated with the avoidance of obstetric care by pregnant Chinese women with unapproved pregnancies. The one-child policy variables of particular interest were a dichotomous measure of the approval status of the pregnancy, a continuous measure of the fine imposed upon families with unapproved births, and a continuous measure of the prices of prenatal care and delivery services net of any subsidy available for approved births. The results partially confirm the hypotheses that the one-child policy's economic and social costs caused women to forego seeking modern obstetric care services. The fine was found to be a significant deterrent to the utilization of prenatal care. Additionally, the unapproved-status of a pregnancy was strongly negatively associated with "the use of obstetric care. However, higher prices were not consistently found to be a significant deterrent to the use of obstetric care.

Adolescent↗

PubMed1994

How and why the one-child policy works in China.

The purpose of this chapter is to describe the implementation of China's one-child policy in terms of embeddedness in the Confucian tradition of morality in government. To do this, the authors describe the modern Chinese efforts to control its population. They describe briefly how the one-child policy evolved from earlier family planning policies and how it has been implemented in ways consistent with Confucian views. Finally, the authors describe key aspects of the implementation of this policy within four Chinese provinces from the perspective of the families who participated in a survey of schoolchildren in 1990.

Asia↗

PubMedDate not supplied

A minority group and China's one-child policy: the case of the Koreans.

This report describes the participation in the one-child certificate program by Koreans living in China, using data from a household survey conducted in 1986 in Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, Jilin Province. Although the Koreans and all other minorities are exempt from China's strict one-child family policy, by pledging not to have more than one child they receive the one-child incentives. The total minority population in China is nearly 70 million and their combined population growth rate is much higher than that of the Han majority. The Korean minority, however, has had a growth rate lower than that of the Han. Nevertheless, the level of acceptance of the one-child certificate among Korean couples is only about 10 percent of those who currently have one child--one-fourth of the 1982 national figure. Life-table analysis indicates that fewer than 9 percent of Korean women would accept the certificate within a six-year period after their first birth. In the meantime, a second child would be born to 60 percent of the women. Among eight factors considered, three--place of residence, occupation of husband, and sex of the living child--significantly affected the rate of acceptance of the certificate, according to the hazards model.

Adult↗

PubMed1994

Household registration type and compliance with the "one child" policy in China, 1979-1988.

This research analyzes how type of household registration, which reflects the degree of government control, affects compliance with China's "one child" policy for women at risk during the first decade of implementation. Although socioeconomic and cultural factors have significant effects on four fertility events after first live birth, household registration type is the most important. Furthermore, household registration type interacts with urbanization in such a way that the modernization influence associated with urbanization is more evident for women under less government control. The notable success of China's family planning program is linked to its unique system of government control.

Abortion, Legal↗

PubMed1989

China's one child policy . . . some considerations.

Between 1949-1968 China--which has more than one-fifth of the world's people--experienced an upward trend in population growth rate. China's one-child family policy was introduced in the late 1970s. It aims to limit population to around 1200 million by the year 2000. In order to achieve this goal, birth rates will need to decrease dramatically.

China↗

PubMed1999