[The effectiveness of pronatalist policies].
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"Two questions are discussed in this paper: (1) what are, according to theory, the possible fields of intervention if one wants to act on the determinants of fertility? (2) according to those theories which seem to be validated by empirical analysis, what are the main determinants of the present fertility trend, on which it would be necessary to act in order to stop the decline and obtain an upward movement? The author concludes that, according to the present state of knowledge, a pronatalist policy is out of reach, except as a mere experimental exercise." (SUMMARY IN ENG AND SPA)
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The author discusses the pro-natalist policies of Cameroon, measures that are not explicit population policies but are instead implied in other government policies and pronouncements. It is argued that "this pronatalist policy partly has its roots in the inherent cultures of the people which have been forged from several years of ravages from epidemic and endemic diseases, inter-tribal conflicts and slave trade. These have been further authenticated, constitutionalised and perpetuated by official policy which bears the stamp of its French colonial masters...." These policies include "legislation against contraception and abortions, discriminatory taxation in favour of married persons, family allowances and other travel, leave, transfer, retirement, housing and educational benefits and concessions for persons with large families as well as an elaborate network of mother and child health care centers." Attention is also given to the establishment of family planning and family care clinics, contraceptive availability, and illegal abortions. (SUMMARY IN FRE)
The author analyzes "the politics of reproduction in Romania...[in order] to comprehend better the...legacy of the Ceausescu era.... This study also enables us to focus on the social implications and human costs of restrictive reproductive legislation and policies, especially as they impact on the lives of women and children.... In this report, I will explore the relationship between official rhetoric, policy, and everyday practice through an analysis of the politics of reproduction during Ceausescu's reign. I will discuss Ceausescu's pronatalist policies, and comment on the human dramas born of them: illegal abortion, child abandonment, infant AIDS, and international adoption."
In 1989, after a long period of socialist rule, Mongolia initiated a democratization process of its political system together with a transition toward a market economy. This study examines how changes in socioeconomic conditions in Mongolia have affected fertility patterns in recent times. It also provides an outline of changes that have taken place in terms of pronatalist policies. Data are drawn from the Reproductive Health Survey of Mongolia conducted in 1998. Among the older cohort, the relationship between economic activity and fertility is inverse but weak, whereas among the younger cohort, the economic downturn has had a strongly depressing effect on fertility. Important effects of micro-level variables, including education and housing, are also noted. The findings suggest that the fertility decline observed for the older cohorts is part of the first demographic transition, in which the collapse of pronatalist policies was influential.
The author discusses the future effects of below-replacement fertility in Australia. "Continued below-replacement fertility would lead to a smaller maximum population, followed by population decline and an even older age structure. This paper argues that there is no need to increase the population and that a more mature age structure promises a number of benefits. Population growth imposes further costs on the already stressed natural environment and on the cities, and no economic benefits clearly offset these costs." Government policy to promote migration into Australia as a means of encouraging population growth is compared to the possible impact of a pronatalist policy. The author argues that social policies designed to reduce hardships faced by mothers are inherently desirable even if their demographic effects are uncertain.
Despite its illegality until recently, abortion is estimated to have been responsible for almost half of the sharp postwar decline in the Greek birth rate. This article examines abortion as a part of a Greek contraceptive culture which has taken shape during the postwar period both in response, and in resistance to, a variety of macro- and micropolitical institutions and forces. During much of this period, pronatalist policies and discourses of both state and church combined to foreclose most medical contraceptive alternatives. In contrast, illegal abortion was a relatively safe, medicalized procedure widely practiced by doctors. Even after being legalized in 1980, female medical contraceptive methods continue to be rejected by the great majority of Greek women, and abortion and male methods of birth control remain the principal means of controlling fertility. The article focuses on the specific abortion practices and meanings of three generations of married women living in the city of Rhodes, capital of the Dodecanese Province of Greece's Eastern Aegean, and explores the ways in which they have been shaped by, and reflect, local cultural understandings of the body, health, sexuality, morality, motherhood and childhood, as well as micropolitical relations within the family.
The Islamic Republic of Iran arguably has one of the most successful family planning programs in the developing world. This success is all the more interesting for advocates of population programs because the political leaders of the Islamic regime were once strongly opposed to family planning. Indeed, after gaining power following the 1979 revolution, they were responsible for dismantling Iran's relatively new family planning program and introducing pronatalist policies. This article provides an account of the different phases of the population policy in Iran and examines the diverse elements that led politico-religious leaders to revise their views about fertility control and to participate in creating a workable family planning program. The complex formal and informal strategies that the political experts, the media, the religious authorities, and the government of the Islamic Republic adopted in order to achieve this about-face are described. The analysis is based on data collected by the first author during anthropological field research in 1993-96, by means of informal interviews with officials, with medical personnel, with family planning clients, and with religious leaders.
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