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Political involvement in nursing--politics, ethics, and strategic action.

Political apathy in the nursing profession can be attributed to numerous factors, including a perceived ethical conflict between professional values and political involvement, as well as a lack of strategy for political action. Differences in personal and professional ethics, conflicting loyalties, and a negative image of politics create ethical tension for nurses. Political-ethical conflicts can mean choosing between job, patient care, and personal ideals. Many nurses never have considered it their place to challenge the structure of the health care system or the rules guiding that system. Supporting political action that demands change in the system, therefore, can cause tension among nurses. The political-ethical dilemma for nurses is related to outdated images of nursing, repression, fear of power, and lack of knowledge. Many guidelines exist to help nurses understand why they should get involved in the political process. By using these guidelines, nurses can evaluate issues and use a valid method to assess problems, plan for action, and evaluate the effectiveness and benefits of specific strategies. In the second of this two-part series on political involvement in nursing, political-ethical conflict is explored, along with strategies for political action.

Conflict, Psychological↗

Meanings of political participation among black and white women: political identity and social responsibility.

This study examined the correlates of midlife political participation among 64 Black and 107 White women of the college classes of 1967-1973. Compared with White women, Black women scored higher on political participation, generativity, power discontent, and politicization. Factor analysis of personality and political attitude variables yielded three factors labeled Political Identity, Power Discontent, and Social Responsibility. Adult political participation was regressed on level of student activism and index scores of political identity, power discontent, and social responsibility. For both racial groups, social responsibility was associated with midlife political participation. For White women, political identity was also related; for Black women, student activism bore a significant relationship. The findings suggest that Black and White women's historical and political contexts imbued their political activities with different meanings.

Adult↗

Testing a theory of political development by comparing the political action of nurses and nonnurses.

BACKGROUND: Some nursing theories are available to guide the conceptualization, planning, and conduct of political action. Little initial or ongoing testing of these theories has taken place. PURPOSE: The purpose of this descriptive-comparative investigation was to test the theory of Cohen et al (Cohen SS, Mason DJ, Kovner C, Leavitt JK, Pulcini J, Sochalski J. Stages of nursing's political development: where we've been and where we ought to go. Nurs Outlook 1996;44:259-66) of political development stages through describing and comparing a specific example of political action by nurses and nonnurses. METHOD: Semistructured interviews of persons who spoke to a standing legislative committee about a proposed bill took place after the health care issues raised by this private bill were later addressed in a government act. Qualitative inquiry was used to gain an understanding of the subjects' perspectives. DISCUSSION: The political action undertaken by both nurses and nonnurses substantiated the first 2 of 4 theorized political stages. However, most nonnurses engaged in political action for self-interest purposes, whereas nurses were oriented to the public good. This finding provides partial support for the third stage of Cohen et al, political sophistication. CONCLUSIONS: Nurses have consistently viewed themselves as patient advocates. It is not surprising then to see "other oriented" political activism by nurses at the community and societal level, because this is in keeping with the caring nature of nursing practice.

Alberta↗

Levels of political participation and political expectations among nurses in New York State.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship of area of practice, educational level, and membership in a professional organization to political participation and political expectations among a group of 108 registered nurses. "The Political Expectations and Participation Questionnaire" (PEPQ) (Daffin, 1988) was used to identify the nine political roles of voter, campaigner, player, monitor, networker, spokesperson, negotiator, leader, and lobbyist. It was found that nurses with master's or doctoral degrees had significantly higher levels of political participation than did nurses with baccalaureates, associate degrees, or diplomas. Nurse educators were found to have significantly higher levels of political participation than nurses in clinical practice. Members of professional organizations had significantly higher levels of political participation with respect to campaigner, player, and leader roles. No significant differences in levels of political expectation were found with respect to area of practice or membership in a professional organization.

Education, Nursing↗

Apples, pears and porridge: the origins and impact of the search for 'coherence' between humanitarian and political responses to chronic political emergencies.

During the 1990s a consensus emerged within the international humanitarian system that there was a need to enhance the 'coherence' between humanitarian and political responses to complex political emergencies. Closer integration between aid and political responses was seen to be necessary in order to address the root causes of conflict-induced crises, and to ensure that aid did not exacerbate political tensions. This paper explores the theory and practice of coherence over the past decade. It argues that, by sleight of hand, the coherence agenda has been reinterpreted such that humanitarian action has become the primary form of political action, rather than merely a substitute for it. The coherence agenda has been driven by geopolitical events, domestic policy considerations in donor countries and the more parochial concerns of aid policy, and is reflected in a number of substantive changes in the humanitarian architecture. Many of the tenets of this 'new humanitarianism' have been embraced by the majority of relief agencies, and thus legitimised it. The paper concludes that political humanitarianism, as opposed to active engagement by political and military actors, is flawed ethically and technically. It will provide neither an effective palliative for the ill effects of war, nor address its causes.

Afghanistan↗

Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence Against Politically Active Women: A Systematic Review of Psychological and Political Consequences and Women's Coping Behaviors.

Technology-facilitated gender-based violence presents critical challenges for politically active women, whose professional roles often expose them to elevated levels of online abuse with far-reaching impacts on their emotional well-being, professional engagement, and participation in public life. This systematic review synthesizes findings from 48 studies employing qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-methods research to examine the psychological and political consequences and coping mechanisms associated with online harassment. Eighty-one percent of the included studies (39/48) report psychological distress, anxiety, and fear among targeted women, with 31% of the studies (15/48) identifying online harassment as a trigger for (re-) traumatization. The political consequences are equally significant, with 62% of the studies (30/48) documenting modifications in political messaging, 39% (19/48) noting reduced engagement with online platforms, and 29% (14/48) showing that women abandon their online presence altogether. Additionally, 20% (10/48) of the studies report cases of women withdrawing from their political roles. In terms of coping strategies, 66% (32/48) report women blocking or muting harassers, while 37% (18/48) document women reporting abuse to authorities or platforms. This study highlights the pervasive impact of technology-facilitated violence on women's emotional well-being, and their political participation and underscores its broader implications for democratic discourse and social equity.

Humans↗

From "pressure group politics" to "medical-industrial complex:" the development of approaches to the politics of health.

This paper analyzes the development of the study of the politics of the health. In doing so it explores the connection between the changing conceptions of the politics of health and actual changes in the health systems of the western world. Three stages are identified in the development of health care systems. These are labelled the eras of benign neglect, health insurance and government regulation. It is then noted that three basic approaches to the politics of health have been taken over the years. These are labelled the group, modified group and holistic approaches. The article then argues that these three approaches tend to reflect the basic assumption explicit and implicit in the three stages of the development of the actual health systems of Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. After critically commenting upon the value of each of the approaches, the paper notes that very few political scientists have used anything other than a rather narrow group approach to analyze the politics of health and therefore have failed to explain the dynamism of health care field. Then a few explanations for this unhappy state of affairs are ventured and the conclusion states a case for eclecticsm in the study of the politics of health.

Canada↗

Medicine and the Canadian state: from the politics of conflict to the politics of accommodation?

This paper analyzes data from three large-scale surveys of Canadian physicians conducted over the past decade to examine the politics of a cohort of recently established family physicians in Ontario, and to assess the extent to which these politics represent a "softening" of professional resistance to government health insurance. Politically, this is an important cohort because the physicians in it have grown up without any firsthand knowledge of the pre-Medicare period, and because they are among the first to establish practices in the wake of the month-long 1986 Ontario physicians' strike, a high point of profession-government conflict. Factors which may have contributed to a moderation of medical politics include the progressive entry of women into medicine. Our data suggest that professional opposition to Medicare is declining and that fewer physicians support a return to voluntary and commercial control of the health system, a shift which could assist in breaking the historical cycle of profession-government conflict and moving to the politics of accommodation. In the conclusions we discuss implications for medical politics in Canada and other countries such as the United States.

Attitude of Health Personnel↗

Political strategy 101: how to make health policy and influence political people.

Many health policy decisions that affect how health care professionals care for their patients are made by the federal government or state and local governments. For most health care professionals, the policy-making process is a mystery. Health policy decisions made by elected and appointed officials in various branches of government are influenced by political factors often unfamiliar to the decision-making process of health care professionals. With some guidance on how to think critically about politics, health care professionals can influence the development, passage, and implementation of government-sponsored health policies that affect their patients. Based on insights gleaned from experience, accounts of the policy-making process, and political science literature, this article describes a process of gathering and analyzing political information that can aid physicians in developing a strategy that will help them influence the political agenda and their patients' care.

Child↗

Electoral democracy, revolutionary politics and political violence: the emergence of Fascism in Italy, 1920-21.

This study examines the determination of the Italian Fascists' extra-parliamentary, para-military, violent strategy. What were the effects of the socialists' political strategy, relying on electoral democracy, on the creation and strategy of the Fascist Action Squads? A comparison among Italy's 69 provinces, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence reveals a distinct pattern in the Fascists' violence. They attacked mainly provinces where the Socialists enjoyed the greatest electoral support. This pattern was a product of two historical processes: (a) the threat of the Socialist party to the landlords' economic and political hegemony, and (b) the landlords' tradition of militant anti-worker organization which culminated in their alliance with the Fascists. The Fascists' struggle for, and takeover of, political power was not an immanent historical necessity. It was first and foremost an anti-socialist reaction. It was shaped both 'from below', by the political power and radicalism of the PSI and the para-military capacity of the Fascist Squads; and 'from above', by the active support the Fascists received from the landlords and the state. Supported by organized landlords and blessed with the authorities' benevolence, the Squads were able to destroy - physically and politically - the legitimately constituted provincial governments of the Socialists. The alliance with the landlords determined the Squads' almost exclusive attacks on Socialist provincial strongholds that constituted the greatest threat to the landlords' interests, while provinces dominated by the ruling Liberal party were excluded from the Squads' path of 'punitive expeditions'.

Democracy↗

A programme of mental health for political refugees: dealing with the invisible pain of political exile.

Political persecution, state terrorism, torture, political assassinations, kidnapping and forced exile have become common occurrences in many parts of the world. Several researchers have tried to determine the impact of these situations on the mental health of those affected. At the same time, different types of aid programmes have been developed to prevent and treat the effects of violence on mental health. In this article we present clinical materials collected for 10 years by the Latin American Collective of Psychosocial Work [Colectivo Latinamericano de Trabajo Psicosocial (Colat)], a medical-psychosocial assistance programme for political refugees. The programme was under the academic supervision of the Catholic Universities of Leuven (KUL, ULC), Belgium. The concept of identity is the central theme of a model which tries to understand and explain the suffering of exiles. We try to identify and expose the mechanisms of political violence that have traumatized an individual's self-esteem and disordered his familial and social bonds. In the second part of this article, the central ideas which support the medical-psychosocial practice of the programme are presented. This programme seeks to heal the damage caused by repression and exile through the active participation of those affected. Only in a context of communal action is it possible to develop a therapy to promote an individual recovery. It is in this sense that the strategic goal of the programme is to permit elaboration of the suffering at an individual, familial and group level, and to facilitate group dynamics which can trigger the potential of the exiles to transform the conditions of violence that originated and maintain their pain.

Belgium↗

The politics of EPSDT policy in the 1990s: policy entrepreneurs, political streams, and children's health benefits.

The Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment (EPSDT) program, which was designed to ensure that Medicaid-eligible children receive comprehensive health services, is the only national attempt to provide a right to these services. The political factors that have shaped national EPSDT policy during the past decade are described, based on a conceptual framework developed by John W. Kingdon. The analysis focuses on the roles of two distinct sets of policy entrepreneurs: child health advocates and fiscally conservative governors. Their activities are described in relation to the larger political environment, or "political stream," from the period of the expansion of Medicaid eligibility for pregnant women and children in the late 1980s to the enactment of a new State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in 1997. The relative saliency of eligibility and benefit issues in children's health policies had a major influence on the politics and outcomes.

Child↗

[Anthropologic foundation and psychologic consequences of political orientation toward right or left. An existential-psychoanalytic study on the phenomenology of political radicalism].

The author searches for an explanation for the fact that an originally only spatial and not "loaded" pair of concepts like "right and left" could gain in our time such high-tension content in political terms. He suspected underlying anthropologic connections and tried to elucidate them with existential analysis. He found that the basis can be seen in the physical constitution of man. Physical experience first transmits the concepts of right and left. The "asymmetric" symmetry of our bilateral physical organisation makes experiencing right and left possible. On this basis the mental concepts of our existence would be imposed in noethic-ethic categories. And these would become active in our political world. This is demonstrated on a case of H.E. Richter. Following Richter'd ideas the psychodynamic rules of political-structural disparities could be shown. The "rights" as repressors dominate the "lefts" as the depressed which now protest in their dispair. As extreme forms the two polarized radicals who now fanatically stylize the other as the enemy, will fight to the death their own denied opposite side psychodynamically. Bizarre ideal visions lead to legalization of terror and brutality. As missing how they are linked in psychiatric terminology paranoid types result extending to the formation of genuine (political) obsessions. For both catathymia of outlook and language are characteristic which show eminent loss of a picture of the world.

Adult↗

Grief and rage: collective emotions in the politics of peace and the politics of gender in Israel.

Collective emotions of rage and grief dominate Israeli political discourses regarding the Middle East conflict. The weekly peace vigils of the Women in Black who protest the state's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and the opposition which the vigils encounter, publicly display politicized collective emotions. In these weekly confrontations, grief and rage articulate intense contestations regarding the politics of peace as well as the politics of gender in Israel. Rage and grief unravel two drastically different visions of transcending national vulnerabilities and two disparate constructions of gender identity.

Emotions↗

What price politics? Scientists and political controversy.

There is a long tradition within scientific communities that encourages governments, patrons and citizens to enlist scientific expertise in the service of the public good. However, since the 17th century, scientists who have engaged in public political controversy have often been judged harshly by scientific colleagues, as well as by political adversaries. Some prominent scientists were politically active in Germany, France and England during the 1920s and 1930s; controversial stands were taken by the British physicist P.M.S. Blackett and the American chemist Linus C. Pauling against their countries' nuclear weapons policy following the Second World War.

History, 20th Century↗

The political economy of FDA drug review: processing, politics, and lessons for policy.

U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) drug review bears a structural similarity to many decisions made by other regulatory agencies: high uncertainty, low reversibility, avoidance of observable error, and high political stakes that induce lobbying by interested parties. This paper explores the policy lessons to be learned from viewing FDA drug review as a politically shaped exercise in information processing. I argue that the incentives facing regulators induce limits on the degree to which drug review can be accelerated, that the same incentives could render privatization initiatives problematic, and that political pressures could play a useful role in identifying priority drugs.

Drug Approval↗

[Psychoanalysis as a "non"-political science. The political consequences of the "world view" debate before 1933 for the behavior of some official representatives of German and international psychoanalysis at the time of the "Third Reich"].

The executive committee of the DPG (German Psychoanalytical Society) was "Aryanized" in 1933, and the integration of the DPG into the German Institute for Psychological Research and Psychotherapy took place in 1936, leading to a gradual adjustment of psychoanalysis at the organizational and ideological level to the dominant political conditions of National Socialism. Events between those years are seen here not as more or less chance moments but as the inevitable result of a strategy based on a "non"-political understanding of psychoanalysis and the desire to guarantee the survival of institutionalized psychoanalysis at the cost of individuals, dissenting political opinions, and even some of the essentials of psychoanalysis itself.

Germany↗