[Are the families recorded in the census de facto families? Singles and one-parent families in the 1991 census].
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"One parent families form about 10-15 percent of all families in most industrialized countries. This review examines a selected number of European studies related to one-parent families completed during the 1985-1992 period. The major findings are presented, and implications for further research are included."
This article gives the final estimate of the number of one-parent families in Great Britain in 1991--1.3 million--and a provisional estimate--of 1.4 million--for 1992. It also estimates that there were 2.2 million dependent children living in one-parent families in 1991, and provides a provisional estimate for 1992 of 2.3 million. Overall, in 1992, about one in five families with dependent children was a one-parent family and about one in five of all dependent children lived in a one-parent family. The article also examines the family sizes of one-parent families; the profiles by marital status of both lone mothers and lone fathers; the ages of lone parents and of their dependent children, and the geographical variation in the prevalence of lone parenthood within Great Britain in 1991. Finally, census data on the family composition of households are examined to investigate the extent to which lone parent families live in multi-family households, and the relationship between the lone parent and the head of the other main family in the household.
The spatial distribution and socioeconomic status of one-parent families in Great Britain and Australia are described, and reasons for the increase in this type of family are analyzed. The author finds that "one-parent families, largely composed of women and children, constitute one of the most rapidly-growing family types. Evidence from Britain and Australia reveals their extreme marginalization in the labour market, and their concentration into public housing. These problems are related to patriarchal structures within society, particularly the expectations of traditional gender roles and the segregation of women's job opportunities."
"A major objective of this study is to analyse how the immediate family of origin affects a young person's decision to remain in school or education, join the work-force, or in some way combine both activities. A crucial question related to these decisions is: What difference does it make to young people if their launching into the adult world is done from the base of a one-parent or two-parent family?" Data are from "the 1981 Household Sample File (HSF), a one per cent sample of households and non-private dwelling members drawn by the Australian Bureau of Statistics from the 1981 Census." The sample includes 14,142 people between the ages of 15 and 24 who were residing with one or both parents. The analysis shows that young people coming from one-parent families are disadvantaged both educationally and in the labor force when compared with young people in two-parent families. However, "these overall differences vanish once family income is taken into account. It is low income more than family type which explains restricted education and labour force opportunity."
Data drawn from the National Child Development Study enabled an examination to be made of the school attainment of children who had spent any of their childhood in a one-parent family. Overall, children in one-parent families had lower scores on tests of attainment, but after adjusting for background factors this was no longer the case for the reading test, and the differences on the mathematics test were reduced to non-significance. An examination of particular aspects of these background factors showed that the low income of many of the one-parent families was a substantial part of their social disadvantage associated with low attainment, but this was not the case for their housing conditions. Comparisons within the group of one-parent families revealed little variation. This meant that there was no evidence that either the age at which the child's family broke up nor the reason for the break up (i.e. divorce or widowhood) was important in terms of school performance, although there was a very slight indication that children who had acquired a substitute parent figure had lower test results than those whose parents had remained alone.
The evidence from the few published studies concerning the physical health of children in one-parent families, suggests that these children have both a higher rate of hospitalization and a higher consulting rate with their general practitioner than two-parent children. There is also an indication that children in one-parent families suffer more health problems in the home than children in two-parent families. However, the studies that have been reviewed provide neither detailed nor confirmed results and at present the character of child health in one-parent families remains uncertain.
"The purpose of this article is to work out a theoretical and analytical framework for the study of one-parent families in Spain and to make some recommendations concerning research strategies and family policy on the matter. The authors start examining various symbolic representations associated with different terms applied to this phenomenon and wondering to what extent it is useful and legitimate to group under the cover of the concept radically different social situations. They also review various typologies used to study one-parent families and comment on the dearth of information and data in Spain which prevents...a correct diagnosis of the situation of lone parenthood in the context of trends observed in the European Union." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
This paper uses the recently published updated estimates of the numbers of one-parent families and dependent children living in them to construct two sets of birth cohort analyses. In the first set, the proportion of children who were living in one-parent families is analysed by the child's age and birth year, whilst in the second set, the proportions of all mothers with dependent children who were lone mothers are analysed by the mother's age and birth year. Finally, the paper presents trends in the proportions of lone mothers and married mothers who were working, and compares them with the corresponding trends for similar mothers whose youngest child was aged under 5.
The proportions of 16-year-olds in the National Child Development Study who are not living with both their natural parents in 1974 are examined and compared with proportions in earlier follow-ups. The children who have ever lived in one-parent families are selected for more detailed examination, such as the reasons for their parental situation, the age their families broke up and the ratio of motherless to fatherless at each age. The children's view of their relationship with their parents or new parent figures and their attitudes towards their own future marriage and family are considered and compared with those of children still living with both their own parents. The overall conclusion is that the differences in these respects between children in one and two-parent families are very slight, suggesting that the attitudes of children in one-parent families towards their future family life have not been greatly affected by their own childhood experiences.
The prevalence and predictors of cosleeping were investigated in 901 healthy school-aged children. Parent reports on the Children's Sleep Habits Questionnaire and Child Behavior Checklist were used to assess children's sleep and behavioral problems. Regular, long-lasting cosleeping was present in 5% of our sample. Cosleepers rated higher on the Children's Sleep Habits Questionnaire total score and Bedtime Resistance, Sleep Anxiety, Nightwakings, and Parasomnias subscales than solitary sleepers. No significant behavioral problems were found in cosleepers. Regression results showed that low socioeconomic status, one parent who is a shiftworker, one-parent families, one parent who coslept as a child, prolonged breastfeeding, and previous and current sleep problems significantly predicted cosleeping. The high incidence of parents reporting having coslept as a child also suggested a lifestyle choice. Thus, cosleeping seems to reflect a parent's way to cope with sleep problems, and the long persistence of this practice may be related to the lifestyle of families.
This article provides updated final estimates of the number of one-parent families, and of the number of dependent children living in them, from 1995 to 1997, inclusive, together with provisional estimates for 1998 to 2000. The existing methodology has been extended so that additional alternative estimates have been generated from which to assess the "best estimates". The number of one-parent families in Great Britain is provisionally estimated at 1.75 million in 2000, and the number of deppendent children living in those families as 2.9 million.
BACKGROUND: Although the association between child mortality and socioeconomic status is well established, it is unclear whether child mortality differences by socioeconomic position are present at all ages. The association of one-parent families with mortality, and whether any such association is due to associated low socioeconomic position, is also not clear. METHODS: In all, 480 of 693 (69%) 0-14 year old deaths during 1991-1994 were linked to 1991 census records. Analyses were weighted to adjust for potential linkage bias. RESULTS: There was approximately twofold higher mortality among the lowest compared with the highest socioeconomic categories of education, income, car access, and neighbourhood deprivation. Occupational class differences were weaker. These socioeconomic differences in mortality were strongest among infants (particularly sudden infant death syndrome [SIDS] mortality), but similar across other age groups (1-4, 5-9, and 10-14 years). The socioeconomic differences were of a similar magnitude for unintentional injury, cancer, congenital, and other deaths. Multivariable analyses demonstrated persistent independent associations of education, income, car access, and neighbourhood deprivation with mortality. Rate ratios (adjusted for age and ethnicity) for one-parent families compared with two-parent or other families were 1.2 (95% CI: 1.0, 1.5) and 1.8 (95% CI: 1.2, 2.5) for all-cause and unintentional injury mortality, respectively. Further adjustment for socioeconomic factors reduced these associations to 0.8 (95% CI: 0.6, 1.2) and 1.2 (95% CI: 0.7, 2.2), respectively. CONCLUSIONS: There does not appear to be notable variation in relative risk terms of socioeconomic differences in child mortality by age or cause of death. Any association of one-parent families with child mortality is due to associated low socioeconomic position.
The purpose of this study was to describe the primary prevention behaviors of 59 female-headed, one-parent families and the barriers which deter their practice. Two interviews, a health diary, and a card sort were used for data collection. Descriptive statistics and content analysis were used to analyze the qualitative data. Nutrition was the behavior the families felt was most important for maintaining health. Time was the major barrier to primary prevention practices. A relationship was found between the family's ability to change and grow and their practice of primary prevention behaviors. Families that consciously risked lifestyle changes also were willing to try to incorporate primary prevention behaviors. On the contrary, families with stagnant lifestyles expressed the desire to change their primary prevention behaviors but made no visible attempt to do so.
1. A 7 d total dietary record was kept in 1970 by schoolchildren from one-parent families and by a control sample matched for sex and age who were living with both parents. The children were aged, on average, 14.5 years and were from schools in Newcastle upon Tyne. Medical assessments were made within 2 weeks of the dietary study. 2. Mean daily intakes of food energy and most nutrients were significantly larger (P < 0.05) in the fatherless boys compared with the controls. There was no such difference between the corresponding two groups of girls. The quality of the diet, assessed as nutrients/MJ was similar in all four groups. 3. There was no evidence of undernutrition; a few children were considered to be obese. The findings in a period of relative affluence may serve as a baseline for subsequent dietary studies.
This article analyses a number of aspects of lone parenthood. First, it updates the estimated national numbers of one-parent families and dependent children living in them. The article then considers the composition of lone parents by their marital status and examines the family sizes of lone parent families and couple families, as well as contrasting the different age profiles of the different kinds of lone parent. Specially commissioned survey data on the marital and cohabitational histories of lone mothers, married mothers and cohabiting mothers are analysed to give a picture of their differing patterns of past partnerships. The article also investigates the people present in lone parent households in terms of their relationship to the lone parent.
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