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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources

Caring for the medically indigent: who will pay the bill?

One of the most urgent problems facing society today is finding adequate resources to fund health care services for the indigent and medically indigent. In this article, the author describes the magnitude of the problem and suggests how trustees can participate in the search for a solution.

Economics, Hospital↗

The future of medical care for the medically indigent in Louisiana and its relationship to medical education.

The Charity Hospital system of care for the medically indigent in Louisiana has been underfunded both for operation and for capital for a number of years. As a consequence, care is declining in quality and medical education suffers. This article examines the problems, issues, and possible courses of action. Considered are operating authority and governance, organization and finance of care, and the likely impact on medical education; it does not reach conclusions or make recommendations. Rather, its purpose is to stimulate rational discussion about these important matters.

Delivery of Health Care↗

Are emergency departments really a "safety net" for the medically indigent?

This study was designed to quantify the willingness of emergency departments (EDs) and private care practitioners to see medically indigent patients. Three case scenarios were developed to represent severe, moderate, and mild problems that typically confront ED physicians. A female investigator made telephone calls using these scenarios, each time declaring herself to be medically indigent. All EDs received calls about all three scenarios, but only the least severe scenario was used for private practitioners. The timing and order of all calls were randomized. A control survey of the same population was subsequently performed in which the caller related that she had third-party insurance and had the minimal (rash) problem. The participants were all 54 nonmilitary EDs in Arizona and 69 randomly chosen private primary care practitioners in the same locales as the EDs. Calls to EDs were made during all time periods and days of the week; private practitioners were called only during their weekday office hours. The majority of all EDs were willing to see medically indigent patients, recommending that the caller come to the ED immediately 76% of the time. This response did not vary by geography or the facility's size, although ED personnel suggested initial home treatment more commonly at smaller hospitals (P = .02), and suggested coming to the ED more often on weekends (P < .02). Some EDs, however, clearly did not comply with their own telephone advice policies, and some ED personnel failed to give medically appropriate advice. In contrast to the EDs (P < .001), 62% of private practitioners' staffs stated they were not taking new patients or required at least $30 in advance. Private practitioners in the largest communities were significantly more reluctant to see the medically indigent than their peers in smaller communities (P < .05). For an insured caller, 55% of private practitioners would see the caller for < $30 and only 35% were not taking new patients or provided referral. In contrast to most private primary care practitioners, EDs are at least willing to serve as a triage point for the medically indigent and are often the primary-care "safety net" for the medically indigent.

Arizona↗

Physician race and care of minority and medically indigent patients.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the relationship between physician race and care of racial minority and ethnic minority patients and medically indigent patients. DESIGN: Secondary analysis of data from the 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey, a cross-sectional survey of Americans designed to provide national estimates of health care utilization and expenditures. SETTING: A sample representative of the total civilian noninstitutionalized US population with oversampling of minorities and the medically indigent. PATIENTS: Survey respondents aged 18 years or older who identified a specific physician as their usual source of care (n = 15,081, corresponding to a national population estimate of 116 million Americans). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Identification of a nonwhite physician as usual source of care. RESULTS: Of adult Americans who identified a usual-source-of-care physician, 14.4% identified a nonwhite physician as that source of care. Minority patients were more than four times more likely to receive care from nonwhite physicians than were non-Hispanic white patients. Low-income, Medicaid, and uninsured patients were also more likely to receive care from nonwhite physicians. Individuals who receive care from nonwhite physicians were more likely to report worse health, visit an emergency department, and be hospitalized. Individuals who receive care from nonwhite physicians reported more acute complaints, chronic conditions, functional limitations, and psychological symptoms as well as longer visits. CONCLUSIONS: Nonwhite physicians are more likely to care for minority, medically indigent, and sicker patients. Caring for less affluent and sicker patients may financially penalize nonwhite physicians and make them particularly vulnerable to capitation arrangements.

Adult↗

The Oregon Health Plan: development and implementation of an innovative method of delivery of health care services to the medically indigent.

BACKGROUND: Health care for the medically indigent under the federal Medicaid system often provides care for only a fraction (ranging from 20% to 80%) of the poor who nominally qualify for care. Oregon has developed a unique system that replaces such a system with one that provides a comprehensive complement of medical care for all the poor but limits the care to conditions and procedures on a prioritized list. METHODS: The Health Services Commission, a group of physicians, nurses, and public representatives, developed a list of over 740 diagnoses-treatment pairs and, with considerable public input, prioritized them in order of importance. The principal values used to develop the list were the prevention of death and the cost of the disease and its treatment. In the final ordering of the diagnosis-treatment pairs, public health and prevention of morbidity was also considered. Cancer diagnoses, and indeed all diseases, were not singled out for special consideration in this process. The Oregon Health Plan was implemented in 1994 with funds to cover 606 of 743 listed diagnoses. Diagnoses involving cancer were nearly all covered within these 606 items. The principal exception was coverage for Curative Treatment for Cancer when the likelihood for success was less than 5%. RESULTS: The prioritized list has met its goal of comprehensive medical care for the indigent population. The number of medically uninsured Oregonians has fallen significantly, and there have been few complaints about the Plan. Cancer care has been delivered to Oregon Health Plan clients with very few complaints or appeals of decisions concerning coverage. Palliative care is provided under a number of covered lines, as are curative medical and surgical treatment. CONCLUSIONS: The Oregon Health Plan represents an alternative method for delivering medical care, including the full range of cancer care, to the indigent. As there are limited funds in all state systems, the citizens of Oregon have decided to provide care using a prioritized list to allow provision of medical care to the entire Medicaid population. Such a plan represents a viable alternative to the more common method of providing everything but only to a limited number of poor citizens.

Cancer Care Facilities↗

Health care for Nebraska's medically indigent.

In this study, several alternatives for the provision of health care to the medically indigent of Nebraska were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. These alternatives were: expansion of county medical assistance programs, state-purchased health insurance policies, Medicaid expansion, revenue pool to redistribute charity-care losses, all-payer rate system, mandated employer-purchased health insurance, and charity-care districts. Under four future scenarios, alternatives were ranked on the basis of program costs, a sensitivity analysis, and qualitative criteria. This analysis found that state-purchased health policies would result in lower program costs than either an increase in county assistance programs or employer-mandated health insurance. Medicaid expansion would reach fewer than one-third of the state's medically indigent. A revenue pool and all-payer rate system are the least costly alternatives but depend on the continuing good will of providers.

Budgets↗

Perceived efficacy, indications, and information sources for medically indigent patients and their healthcare providers regarding dietary supplements.

BACKGROUND: Evidence exists that medically indigent and minority patients use dietary supplements at rates as high or higher than that of the general population. Safety concerns regarding the use of dietary supplements are further exacerbated by a suboptimal level of patient disclosure and provider inquiry. OBJECTIVE: To determine dietary supplement use, indications, perceived efficacy, and information sources of patients and providers using a pilot study in a clinic for the medically indigent. METHODS: Five hundred self-administered patient surveys and 50 healthcare provider surveys were made available to any patient at a free health clinic in Kansas City, MO. Surveys were collected and descriptive analyses were performed. RESULTS: Three hundred eleven patient surveys were returned. Of the 37.3% (116/311) of respondents who had used dietary supplements, 13.8% (n = 16) had 10 comorbid conditions. Ninety-six dietary supplements were used for 8 medical condition categories. The 9 agents most frequently reported used were garlic (n = 32), aloe/green tea (n = 27 each), chamomile/echinacea (n = 24 each), St. John's wort (n = 22), ginseng (n = 18), and cranberry/Ginkgo biloba (n = 17 each). Patients reported a broad range of indications for taking dietary supplements. Patients reported (mean +/- SD) 2.37 +/- 4.23 agents as effective and 0.78 +/- 1.73 as ineffective or harmful. Provider surveys revealed that 60% (21/35) and 74% (26/35) were currently or had ever used dietary supplements, respectively. Fifty-seven percent (20/35) of providers reported attending educational programs on dietary supplements, and providers perceived patient supplement use to be most influenced by advertisements (40%) and friends (40%). CONCLUSIONS: The medically indigent population uses a wide variety of dietary supplements. There is little consistency in perceived indications, which may prevent clinicians from accurately predicting specific herbal use rationale given any individual's or population's set of comorbid conditions. Clinicians are encouraged to accurately determine their individual practice setting's use pattern.

Adult↗

Compliance and efficacy of cardiac rehabilitation and risk factor modification in the medically indigent.

To compare the compliance and efficacy of cardiac rehabilitation in medically indigent patients with more affluent patients, we evaluated the first 65 patients referred to a new cardiac rehabilitation program of whom 36 were medically indigent (i.e., dependent on Medicaid for health care reimbursement) and 29 were funded by private medical insurance. Attendance during 12 weeks of monitored, supervised, phase II cardiac rehabilitation was examined retrospectively. In addition, training history, cardiovascular response to submaximal exercise, dietary fat intake, and smoking incidence were studied at baseline and repeated prospectively between 6 months and 1 year (8.2 +/- 1.1 months) after program completion. Both the indigent and private patients attended >90% of scheduled sessions and achieved a significant improvement in submaximal work capacity which was well maintained at the time of follow-up. Also, both groups continued to eat a diet low in saturated and total fat. The indigent patients smoked more before the program but were equally successful at quitting cigarette smoking as the private patients. We conclude that in the appropriate setting, indigent patients can successfully complete and maintain excellent compliance with a program of coronary risk factor modification including exercise training, dietary modification, and cessation of cigarette smoking, to a degree equivalent to more affluent and educated patients. Compliance may be enhanced by employing a small program emphasizing extensive personal contact with rehabilitation staff.

Coronary Disease↗

Access to medical care in a medically indigent population.

OBJECTIVE: To study nature and extent of barriers to access to medical care in a single county and to define the nature of the illnesses in a population affected by those barriers. DESIGN: Descriptive study of consecutive patients not able to obtain medical care because of financial or other barriers. Financial barriers and medical diagnoses were categorized and the severity of illness and impact of unavailability of medical services were judged by a panel of internists using consensus analysis. The likelihood of obtaining care after refusal of assistance was also evaluated. SETTING: A social services eligibility office on the grounds of an urban, university teaching hospital that serves a largely medically indigent population. PATIENTS: 200 patients who presented to eligibility workers seeking financial assistance. INTERVENTIONS: None. MEASUREMENTS AND RESULTS: Sixty percent could not obtain care because they were illegal aliens, 40% could not obtain care because they did not meet the strict criteria of the assistance programs. Sixty percent of patients had a moderate to high likelihood of long-term disability from their illnesses; 38% of a subgroup were not able to find care four weeks after entering the study, and these patients appeared to have more severe disease than those who were able to find care. CONCLUSIONS: Many medically indigent persons with significant illnesses face serious financial barriers to access to medical care.

California↗

Risk factors among medically indigent women < or = 45 years old with angiographically proven obstructive coronary arterial disease.

BACKGROUND: Risk factors for angiographically proven coronary arterial disease (CAD) have not been assessed in a large cohort of young medically indigent women, who are known to have more CAD than better educated and more affluent women. METHODS: In a 2-year period, 165 medically indigent women < or = 45 years old underwent coronary arteriography for symptoms suggesting CAD. We compared the prevalence of risk factors in the 100 with obstructive CAD with the prevalence in the 65 with non-obstructive or no CAD. RESULTS: Both groups had high prevalences of all of the standard risk factors. Compared to the 65 without, the 100 with obstructive CAD more often smoked, had diabetes mellitus, had a family history of CAD, and more often had had a myocardial infarct. CONCLUSION: CAD in medically indigent young women is not rare and is best predicted by symptoms, smoking, and diabetes mellitus.

Adult↗

A comparison of existing and alternative competitive bidding systems for indigent medical care.

Competitive bidding is gaining in popularity as a means of containing costs in indigent medical care programs. The economic implications of the bidding systems employed by Arizona and California are discussed in light of the existing literature. Two alternative bidding approaches are proposed for consideration by policymakers--the sealed bid 'Vickrey' auction and the 'ascending Dutch' auction. While the incentives it contains for providers are not optimal, the ascending Dutch auction has the greatest potential for effective implementation since it accommodates the realities of public sector budget constraints and political pressures for direct control over program expenditures.

Arizona↗

A proposal for care for the medically indigent in the New Orleans area.

The medical care of the indigent in the New Orleans area is an acute problem because of growing deficiencies of funding support, an aging plant, limited equipment, and difficult working conditions at the Charity Hospital (New Orleans). This is the second part of a presentation dealing with the problems and opportunities for the Charity System both in New Orleans and in Louisiana. I have expressed opinions about the choices for the responsible entity, the planning, the location, the organization, the finance of care, and the continuing relationship of medical care to medical education. I propose to continue the Charity Hospital in a new facility. If a new facility is impossible close Charity Hospital over a five- to seven-year period, care should be delivered in various community hospitals in Orleans and Jefferson parishes. Outpatient and emergency care should be decentralized. Louisiana State University is the preferred choice as the planning and operating authority. I believe the continuing interrelationship of the care of the medically indigent and medical education (faculty, residents, and students) is important.

Hospitals, Public↗

Breast conservation is an effective option in Black, medically indigent patients.

The purpose of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of lumpectomy and postoperative radiotherapy in an African-American, medically indigent population. From 1980 through 1996, a retrospective chart review was undertaken of the patients treated with radiotherapy after lumpectomy at an inner city hospital, whose patients are primarily African American and uninsured. One hundred and one patients were treated with breast conservation during this time. Of those, 72 were African American and with invasive carcinoma. The data were analyzed using JMP IN (SAS Institute). The study found that African-American patients with invasive carcinoma had 95.2% local control at 5 years and 87.9% at 10 years. The disease-free survival was 84.6% at 5 years and 65.3% at 10 years. Patients that received less than 50 Gray to the tumor bed had inferior local control, disease-free survival, and overall survival (p < 0.0001 for all three). The 5-year and 10-year local control for DCIS, in a limited number of patients, was 95.2%. We conclude that lumpectomy followed by radiotherapy is an effective treatment strategy in the high-risk population of African-American, medically indigent patients. The local control and disease-free survival compare favorably to published controls in this traditionally high-risk patient population.

Black People↗

Who serves the underserved? Predictors of physician care to medically indigent patients.

Using a national sample of 466 doctors, this work is the first to determine how sociodemographic characteristics, family lives, educational experiences and work environments combine over the life course to shape physician attitudes and behaviors toward serving the medically indigent. Survey data reveal that most physicians have positive experiences with indigent patients, and feel responsible for providing care for the needy. On average, one-quarter of doctors' patients are medically indigent, and physicians provide six hours of charity care per week. Multivariate regression and path analyses indicate that disparate social forces predict humanitarian attitudes and behaviors of physicians. Physician attitudes toward the indigent are shaped largely by socializing forces, including medical education and relationships with mentors. In contrast, care of indigent patients is driven by physician attitudes and by characteristics of medical practice such as specialty and practice setting. Implications for scholarship and for medical education, practice and health policy are discussed.

Adult↗

Competitive bidding as a cost-containment strategy for indigent medical care: the implementation experience in Arizona.

The State of Arizona recently instituted a competitive bidding process, in order to establish a health services delivery system for indigents and to determine capitated reimbursement levels for providers in that system. This article describes the implementation of that bidding process, and identifies factors which had a significant impact on the implementation experience. Implementation of competitive bidding in Arizona encountered problems which appear to be common to the implementation of innovative public programs. It also uncovered political liabilities that suggest that effective implementation of competitive bidding for indigent medical care contracts in other environments will be difficult, even if technical implementation problems can be overcome.

Arizona↗