[Do maternal benefits mean worse maternal health services?].
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Major provisions of this Act of India on maternity benefits are summarized as follows: Section 2 of the principal Act has been substituted to extend the provisions of the Act to shops or establishments employing 10 or more persons. The rate of maternity benefits payable to women employees for each day of absence has been fixed at the average daily wage or the minimum rate of wage fixed or revised under the Minimum Wages Act or 10 rupees, whichever is higher. The qualifying period for grant of maternity benefit has been reduced from 160 days of actual work in the preceding 12 months to 80 days of actual work in the preceding 12 months. In Section 5, Subsection (3) has been substituted to provide that the maximum period for which any woman shall be entitled to maternity benefit shall be 12 weeks of which not more than six weeks shall precede the date of her expected delivery. If the woman, after having been delivered of a child, dies during her delivery or during the period immediately following the date of her delivery or during the period immediately following the date of her delivery for which she is entitled for the maternity benefit, leaving behind in either case the child, the employer shall be liable to pay for the maternity benefit of the entire period; but if the child also dies during the said period, then for the days up to the date of the death of the child. Section 6 amends Section 8 of the principal Act to raise the rate of medical bonus payable to a woman entitled to maternity benefit from 25 rupees to 250 rupees. Section 17 of the principal Act has been amended to provide that where a woman's maternity benefits have been improperly withheld or she is discharged or dismissed, she may make a complaint to the Inspector who may make enquiry and pass such orders as are just or proper according to the circumstances of the case. If an employer fails to pay any amount of maternity benefit to a woman entitled under this Act, or discharges or dismisses her, he shall be punishable with imprisonment which shall not be less than three months but which may be extended to one year and with a minimum fine of 2000 rupees extendible to 5000 rupees. The penalty for obstructing an Inspector in the performance of his duties has been made punishable with one year imprisonment or with a fine expendable to 5000 rupees.
In 1988, a new system of increased maternity benefits was introduced in Iceland. Allowances of Kr 17,370 are payable for four months as of 1988 and allowances of Kr 19,489 are payable for five months as of 1989. Allowances are payable for an additional month in the case of multiple births and for six months if the child is seriously ill. Moreover, a daily maternity benefit (Kr 817 in 1989) is payable, if the mother was employed for at least 1032 hours in the previous year; half that amount is payable if the mother was employed for between 516 and 1031 hours during the previous year. The daily allowance may be paid to the father from the second month onward, if he takes leave to look after the child.
STUDY OBJECTIVE: The aim was to compare the social characteristics, the pregnancy outcome, and the antenatal care of women in France who did not receive maternity benefits to women who did. These benefits (860 FF, approx 86 pounds per month) are given to every pregnant woman, starting in the second trimester. Payments are made on the condition that at least three antenatal visits are made, the first being before the end of the first trimester. DESIGN: The study involved a random sample of women who were interviewed after delivery during their stay in hospital. Data on pregnancy outcome were collected from medical records. SETTING: The study was carried out in four public maternity units in different regions of France. PARTICIPANTS: 1692 women were included in the analysis (86.8% of the selected sample). Of 257 exclusions, 40 had multiple pregnancies, 189 had missing data, and 28 did not answer the question concerning maternity benefits. MEASUREMENTS AND MAIN RESULTS: 4.3% of the women did not receive any maternity benefits. These women lived in poorer social conditions than the women who received the benefits. They had a higher preterm delivery rate, after controlling for risk factors in a logistic regression. Women without maternity benefits were characterised by a lower level of care, yet the majority began their antenatal care during the first trimester or had more than six visits. CONCLUSIONS: Not receiving maternity benefits during pregnancy is an index of an underprivileged situation and a risk factor for pregnancy outcome.
As of 1987, the period of payment of regular maternity benefits in Norway was increased from 18 to 20 weeks, and the period of payment of benefits for adoption was increased from 12 to 14 weeks. The scope of payment of the adoption benefit was also enlarged, and the benefit is now payable for the adoption with respect to children up to 15 years of age and is increased by 10 days for each additional child adopted. In 1988, the period of payment of regular maternity benefits was increased to 22 weeks and of adoption benefits to 17 weeks.
I consider the labor-market effects of mandates which raise the costs of employing a demographically identifiable group. The efficiency of these policies will be largely dependent on the extent to which their costs are shifted to group-specific wages. I study several state and federal mandates which stipulated that childbirth be covered comprehensively in health insurance plans, raising the relative cost of insuring women of childbearing age. I find substantial shifting of the costs of these mandates to the wages of the targeted group. Correspondingly, I find little effect on total labor input for that group.
As of January 1987, the maximum amount of maternity benefits in the Philippines was increased from 1500 to 4500 pesos.
A study of recent birth patterns in the Southern California Region of the Kaiser-Permanente Medical Care Program (KPMCP) suggests that individuals may have been attracted to the Program by a liberal maternity benefit. The attraction is reflected in both the type of members joining KPMCP and the birth rate of those members. Although the KPMCP birth rate has been below that of the general population, new members in their first year of coverage delivered approximatey one third of all KPMCP births in 1977, twice the number of births that would be anticipated from an equal number of members in the plan for one year or more. The maternity copayment of up to $350 did not deter women already pregnant from joining KPMCP. Termination rates for new members who gave birth, however, were no higher than expected. The Pregnancy Disability Amendment of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which became effective April 29, 1979, may alter the maternity benefits offered by alternative insurance carriers. The law could impact KPMCP's enrollment and utilization of obstetric services.
In 1987, a new social security scheme came into force in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Under the scheme, maternity benefits are payable to women who have paid at least 30 weeks' contributions into the scheme, at least 20 of them during the 30 weeks immediately preceding the claim. Benefits are payable for up to 13 weeks, six of them before the anticipated date of birth. The benefit is equal to 60% of the average insured income during the 30 weeks immediately preceding the claim. In addition, a lump sum payment of EC $50 is payable to the insured woman for each birth.
OBJECTIVE: We compared maternal outcomes for patients with HELLP (hemolysis, elevated liver enzymes, and low platelet count) syndrome treated with or without high-dose corticosteroids to ameliorate maternal disease. STUDY DESIGN: An analysis of data for patients with HELLP syndrome (platelets, or=600 IU/L; aspartate aminotransferase and/or alanine aminotransferase level, >or=70 IU/L) who were treated during the 7-year epochs before and after the clinical trials in 1992 and 1993 demonstrated maternal benefit with high-dose dexamethasone. RESULTS: Corticosteroid use increased from 16% (39/246 patients) for fetal indication from 1985 to 1991 to 90% (205/228 patients) for maternal-fetal indications from 1994 to 2000. Significantly reduced composite maternal disease from 1994 to 2000 was evidenced by improvements in laboratory parameters, disease progression to class 1 HELLP syndrome, the degree of hypertension, the need for antihypertensive therapy, the use of transfusion, and the presence of maternal morbidity (P<.05). Indices of postpartum recovery also were shortened significantly (P<.001). CONCLUSION: Routine early initiation of high-dose intravenous corticosteroids for patients with HELLP syndrome significantly lessened maternal disease, reduced maternal morbidity, and expedited recovery.
BACKGROUND: This study was conducted to describe women's perceptions of their maternity leave policy and its implementation, maternity leave benefits, postpartum work experience, and factors that relate to returning to work. METHODS: Surveys were mailed to 436 married, recently employed, first-time mothers at 1, 3, 6, 9 and 12 months postpartum. RESULTS: Most respondents said they had written maternity leave policies they could understand, but they were not completely satisfied with their policies. The average 11.1-week maternity leave was considerably shorter than their 8-month ideal, and only 25.5% had the option of working part-time. A minority (35.8%) were allowed to use personal days to care for a sick infant. Most women were distressed about making child care arrangements. Compared with women who remained at home, those who returned to work complained of more respiratory, gynecologic, and breast symptoms. CONCLUSIONS: Relatively little is known about women's postpartum work experience. In this study, return to work after delivery was related to several demographic, occupational, and social factors and was associated with health problems and concerns about child care. With a majority of new mothers now returning to work, attention has recently been directed to factors that facilitate the merger of work and parenting roles. One such important factor is women's parental or maternity leave benefits, the focus of this study.
This Note examines how both the law and the health care profession neglect women's needs for abortion counseling before, during and after an abortion. Part I analyzes the health care profession's view of counseling, the psychological effects of abortion and how counseling both positively and negatively influences those effects. Part II reviews Supreme Court cases and state law regarding abortion counseling, critizing both the Court's narrow view of counseling and the states' failure to use the legislative process to create laws which benefit maternal health. Part III recommends an expanded role for abortion counseling, in which the counselor can provide emotional support from before the day of an abortion until a woman emotionally recovers from an abortion. This expanded role would be state-mandated, but would remain within constitutional boundaries by providing flexibility for counselors to give individual treatment while respecting a woman's privacy.
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