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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources

Pathways to retirement: patterns of labor force participation and labor market exit among the pre-retirement population by race, Hispanic origin, and sex.

OBJECTIVES: This study examines the pre-retirement labor force participation behavior of Black, White, and Hispanic men and women to determine how patterns of labor market exit differ among groups. METHODS: We combine data from the first and second waves of the Health and Retirement Study and apply multinomial logit regression techniques to model labor force status in the first wave of the HRS and change over time. RESULTS: Black, Hispanic, and female elderly persons experience more involuntary job separation in the years immediately prior to retirement, and the resulting periods of joblessness often eventuate in "retirement" or labor force withdrawal. Minority disadvantage in human capital, health, and employment characteristics accounts for a large part of racial and ethnic differences in labor force withdrawal. Nevertheless, Black men and Hispanic women experience more involuntary labor market exits than Whites with similar socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. DISCUSSION: Workers most vulnerable to labor market difficulties during their youth confront formidable obstacles maintaining their desired level of labor force attachment as they approach their golden years. This has significant policy implications for the contours of gender and race/ethnic inequality among elderly persons, particularly as life expectancy and the size of the minority elderly population continue to increase.

Black or African American↗

Testing local level labor force and unemployment projections.

The labor force projections perform well, even for small areas, which suggests that changes in local labor force participation rates can be approximated by national changes. In fact, the mean absolute percent errors are low even when the previously calculated population projections are used. The unemployment projections do not do as well, and using 1980 census labor force data instead of previously calculated labor force projections offers no improvement in the results. A two-step study is needed to determine why the errors are so large. First, the state level changes from 1970 to 1980 should be compared with national changes to determine the difference in unemployment rate changes by race and sex. Second, state level data on the occupational mix should be examined for the relationship between this and the changes in state level unemployment rates by race and sex. It is hypothesized that the first step will show that even state level changes in unemployment rates by race and sex cannot be well approximated by the national changes and the second step will show that some of the variation can be explained by state differences in occupational mix. Further studies should be made to determine how the calculation of national changes affects the results. Changes in labor force participation rates seem to follow trends, and therefore extrapolation may not have much effect on the results. Although using the actual changes in unemployment from 1970 to the latest year available as a proxy for the changes from 1970 to the target year may have a serious detrimental effect on the unemployment projections, if some of the variation in the national changes in race and sex can be explained and some adjustments made, the actual changes may be the best proxy to use.

Black or African American↗

Individual mobility, population growth and labor force participation.

Trends in labor force participation rates and the age of retirement are shown to be important of upward mobility. Reductions in age specific participation rates increase the speed of movement through the employment hierarchy. In conjunction with economic development, the falling labor force participation of older men acts to offset the adverse effects of slowing population growth on promotional prospects. These conclusions are reached by extending a model of employment status developed by Keyfitz to limit employment competition to only those actually in labor force.

Adult↗

Local labor markets, children and labor force participation of wives.

Most research on married women's labor force participation relates characteristics of individual women to their probability of labor force participation. Some studies relate characteristics of geographic areas to average labor force participation rates in those areas, although these aggregate level analyses are usually gross tests of ideas about individual-level processes. Here we take a quintessentially sociological perspective and seek to understand how characteristics of geographic areas structure the relationship between properties of individual women and their probabilities of labor force participation. Our analysis has two steps. In step one, we fit individual-level probit models of married women's probability of labor force participation. A separate model is fitted in each of 409 areas using 1970 Census data, and the relationship between individual characteristics and labor force participation is found to vary substantially across areas. In step two, we attempt to explain areal variation in the effects of women's children on their labor force participation. We hypothesize that the effect of children on their mothers' labor force participation is a function of the cost and availability of childcare , and of the "convenience" of jobs for working mothers in the places where the mothers live. Measures of childcare cost, childcare availability and job convenience are developed. Weighted least squares analyses of probit coefficients from the first stage are, in general, very consistent with our findings, and suggest that the approach taken in this paper is likely to be a fruitful one for future studies.

Adolescent↗

Reciprocal effects of health and labor force participation among women: evidence from two longitudinal studies.

Longitudinal data were analyzed to provide information concerning the effects of health on women's labor force participation and the effects of labor force participation on women's health. The data were from a representative national sample of middle-aged women and a representative sample of women from Alameda County, California. Significant relationships were observed between self-reported health and subsequent changes in labor force participation. Women who reported poorer health were more likely to leave the labor force and less likely to join the labor force. In contrast, no significant relationships were observed between labor force participation and subsequent self-reported change in health. (These latter relationships could be tested only for married women in the national sample.) In conclusion, our analyses provide substantial evidence that health affects women's labor force participation (the healthy worker effect). In contrast, we did not find evidence that, on the average, labor force participation has either harmful or beneficial effects on the general health of middle-aged married women in the United States.

Adult↗

Labor force participation among registered nurses and women in comparable occupations.

Comparison of labor force participation of female nurses with women in comparable occupations showed no difference in overall participation rates. However, analysis by family life cycle did show differences: married nurses of all ages with young children were more likely to be in the labor force than those over age 35 without young children, while the reverse was true for married women in the comparison groups. Data were obtained from a pooled national sample survey of adult noninstitutionalized persons residing in the continental United States from 1972 through 1978 and 1980. Separate discriminant function analyses on nurses, teachers, and a composite group of other women using independent variables derived from a conceptual model of pushes and pulls into the labor force and labor force status as the dichotomous dependent variable were compared. Findings indicated that the presence of young children at home keeps married teachers and others out of the labor force but has no effect on married nurses.

Adolescent↗

How valid are self-report measures for evaluating relationships between women's health and labor force participation?

For a sample of white women aged 45-64, women who were out of the labor force had poorer self-reported health and higher mortality than women who were in the labor force. It has been hypothesized that women who are out of the labor force may tend to exaggerate their poor health in self-report data. However, no evidence of bias of this type was found in an analysis of the relationships between self-reported health and subsequent mortality. The validity of self-reports of illness as a reason for not seeking work has been assessed using data for a sample of 30-44 year old women who were out of the labor force. Over 90% of the women who gave illness or disability as their main reason for not seeking work had previous or contemporaneous independent, self-report evidence of poor health. The findings of this study and previous evidence indicate that poor health reduces the likelihood that a woman will join the labor force, and this is a major reason why women who are not in the labor force have poorer health than those who are in the labor force.

Employment↗

Effects of labor force participation on women's health: new evidence from a longitudinal study.

Effects of labor force participation on women's health are evaluated in analyses of longitudinal data for a national sample of older middle-aged women. Our findings indicate that labor force participation had beneficial effects on health for unmarried women and for married black women, but, on the average, labor force participation had no significant effect on health for married white women. Analyses by occupational category suggest that labor force participation had beneficial effects on health for some blue collar married women, but, on the average, labor force participation had harmful effects on health for white collar married women. Our findings, taken together with previous evidence, suggest that employment may increase social support, and job-related social support may have particularly beneficial effects on health for unmarried women and for married women whose husbands are not emotionally supportive confidants. Additional results from this study showed no significant difference in the health effects of part-time and full-time employment.

Adult↗

Labor force participation among persons with musculoskeletal conditions, 1970-1987. National estimates derived from a series of cross-sections.

In the present study, we estimated the labor force participation rate among persons with musculoskeletal conditions in 1987, compared this rate with that experienced by persons with other chronic conditions or with none, and estimated the change in labor force participation rates among persons with musculoskeletal conditions for the period 1970-1987. Rates were estimated from 18 years of National Health Interview Survey data, and the sampling weights from this survey were used to obtain population estimates. To ensure statistically stable estimates, we averaged the rates over 6 years of data. In 1987, 42.9% of all working-age persons with musculoskeletal conditions were out of the labor force, this study's definition of work disability. Overall labor force participation rates among persons with musculoskeletal conditions declined from 71% to 56% between 1976-1981 and 1982-1987, 22% in relative terms. Much of this decline was concentrated among men, especially men 55-64 years of age. However, women 55-64 years of age with musculoskeletal conditions also experienced declining labor force participation rates. Labor force participation patterns among persons with musculoskeletal conditions fit more general labor market trends, with gains among younger women more than offset by declines among older men and women. However, these trends appear to be more accentuated among persons with musculoskeletal conditions, suggesting that enforcement of the employment provisions of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 place special emphasis on labor force participation among such persons.

Adult↗

Projection of the Mexican national labor force, 1980-2005.

Mexico has a large and rapidly growing labor force. This paper projects the Mexican national labor force from 1980 to 2005, with varying assumptions of vital rates, economic activity, and international migration. Projections are also made for the urban and rural components of the Mexican population, assuming inter-component migration flows. Results indicate that the Mexican labor force will grow over the projection period at an average annual rate of 907,000 to 1,183,000 workers; will age slightly; and will have a much higher proportion female. Implications are discussed in terms of Mexican-U.S. migration, possible agreements on free trade, and global trends in workforce.

Adult↗

A life table analysis of the labor force participation of U.S. nurses, 1949 to 1980.

Data from seven inventories of registered nurses by the American Nurses' Association and the 1980 National Sample Survey of Registered Nurses are analyzed in a life table format to examine changes in nurse labor force participation. The results show a substantial increase in the labor force participation of nurses, as a nurse aged 20 could be expected to spend 28.5 years in the labor force in 1949 and 34.1 years in the labor force in 1980. Much of that rise seems attributable to increasing full-time employment. There is a positive relationship between participation in the nursing labor force and a nurse's highest level of educational preparation, but that relationship is not a simple one. Nurses with a master's or higher degree are very active in the labor force, while diploma nurses are much less likely to be employed. At the same time, nurses with baccalaureate degrees have relatively low rates of labor force participation, but associate degree nurses have rates rivaling the most highly educated.

Actuarial Analysis↗

The development of the nursing labor force in the United States: a basic analysis.

In this article, we draw together some basic material on the objectives character of the nursing labor force in the United States. First, we present a statistical and descriptive picture of the nursing labor force as it exists today. Then we analyze the historical development of that labor force up to about 1950, stressing its general integration into a hierarchical and concentrated health industry. Finally, we look at the development of the nursing labor force over the past 25 years in terms of factors such as sex, race, age educational credentials, labor force participation, place of work, and the hierarchical division of labor, discussing the general implications of the changes in these factors for worker organization in the health industry. Our main conclusion is that the nursing labor force is in a kiey position to lead a movement for the restructing of the health industry to serve the health needs of the American people rather than the profit and power requirements of the health employers. The primary, and difficult, task ahead is to build labor organization which will have the vision and unity to work this goal.

Age Factors↗

Female labor force participation and female mortality in Wisconsin 1974-1978.

The following research question is addressed in the study: what effect will the entrance of women into the labor force have on female mortality rates for all causes of death combined as well as specific causes relating to occupational stress, behavioral factors and physical hazards associated with occupation? This question is examined through comparisons of age, marital status and occupation-specific death rates for all causes of death combined and for selected causes of death. Death certificates provided by the Wisconsin Bureau of Health Statistics for the years 1974-1978 and population data provided by the 1976 Survey of Income and Education were used to construct death rates. The death rates of the white civilian female population of Wisconsin 16-64 years of age were examined using exploratory data analysis techniques (schematic plots and median polish) and standard errors. In general, the death rates of women in the labor force are substantially lower than those of housewives. These results may indicate that the role of housewife exposes women to health hazards. In addition, the results of this study may suggest some selectivity of healthy women into the labor force or a protective effect of labor force participation. In a limited number of instances, labor force participants' mortality rates exceed those of housewives. In the 60-64 year old population, white-collar workers, specifically, sales workers, managers and professionals, experience significantly higher death rates than housewives. In addition, specific groups of labor force participants experience significantly higher death rates than housewives for accidental deaths (i.e. laborers 16-44 and 45-54), deaths due to heart disease (i.e. laborers 45-54 and sales workers 60-64) and deaths due to malignant neoplasms (i.e. white-collar workers 60-64 years of age). The possibility that these instances indicate the direction of future mortality trends should be considered.

Accidents, Occupational↗

Reduced labor force participation among primary care patients with headache.

OBJECTIVE: To assess the long-term impact of headache on labor force participation among primary care patients with headache. DESIGN: A 2-year cohort study comparing employment status of primary care patients with headache and that of patients with back pain. PARTICIPANTS: Patients with headache (n = 662) or back pain (n = 1,024) sampled from persons visiting a primary care physician who completed baseline, 1-year and 2-year follow-up interviews. MEASUREMENTS AND MAIN RESULTS: The percentage of subjects unemployed at baseline, 1 year or 2 years was determined, excluding the retired and homemakers. Among all patients, the percentage unable to obtain or keep full-time work in the year prior to each interview because of headache or back pain was also assessed. Over the 3-year period covered by the study interviews, 13% of headache and 18% of back pain patients were unable to obtain or keep full-time work because of their pain condition. Among those in the labor force, 12% of headache patients and 12% of back pain patients were unemployed for any reason at one or more interviews. Among the one in five headache patients with a poor long-term outcome, 36% were unable to obtain or keep full-time work because of headache at some time compared with 4% of headache patients with a good outcome. Among headache patients, women, persons aged 18 to 24 years, those with lower levels of education, persons with depressive symptoms, and migraineurs were more likely to have reduced labor force participation owing to headache. CONCLUSIONS: The likelihood of reduced labor force participation among primary care patients with headache was considerable and concentrated among the one in five patients with a poor long-term outcome. Headache patients at a social disadvantage in attaining occupational role stability (e.g., younger women or poorly educated patients) were more likely to report reduced labor force participation.

Adult↗

Women in the labor force.

Unlike the rate for men, the labor force participation rate for women has increased significantly over the past three decades or so. This trend is expected to continue at least through 2005. Among the reasons for the growing role of women in the labor market are higher levels of educational attainment, improved employment opportunities, changing values in society, and economic pressures and aspirations that require women to assume dual careers as homemakers and family income producers. By the year 2005, it is estimated that women workers will number about 72 million, with more than 63 percent of all women age 16 and over either working or actively looking for work. While traditional occupations such as secretarial and clerical administrative support and professions such as nursing and teaching still predominate, about 4 million women are now in executive, administrative and managerial positions in the private sectors of the economy. As for the types of industry in which women are employed, service industries clearly predominate. Projections suggest that women workers of the future will be older on average, with the fastest growth occurring in the 45-64 age cohort. They will also be a more diverse group as the number of black, Asian and Hispanic women workers grows more rapidly than the number of white non-Hispanic labor force participants.

Adult↗

Mandatory retirement and labor-force participation of respondents in the Retirement History Study.

The Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) was amended in 1978 to prohibit mandatory retirement before age 70 in most occupations. The impact of this legislation on the probability of older persons remaining in the labor force is the primary concern of this article. Specifically, questions concerning which older workers are affected by mandatory-retirement provisions and the extent to which they are forced to retire and leave the labor force are examined. Tabular analysis of data from the Retirement History Study on persons aged 62-63 in 1969 shows significant variation in mandatory-retirement coverage between the public and private sectors and across industries, occupations, and demographic groups. Until age 65, the labor-force participation rate of those facing compulsory retirement is higher than or equal to that of those not covered but it drops significantly below the noncovered rate after 65. Logit analysis of the labor-force participation of persons before and after age 65 indicates that mandatory retirement at that age reduces the probability of retirement by approximately 16.7 percentage points for white men wage earners. This results in a decline in the labor-force participation rate of all men aged 66-67 of approximately 4 percentage points.

Age Factors↗