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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources
PubMed1993

Selected determinants of fertility in Vietnam: age at marriage, marriage to first birth interval and age at first birth.

Data from the 4172 women aged 15-49 interviewed in the 1988 Vietnamese Demographic and Health Survey were used to examine age at marriage, marriage to first birth intervals and age at first birth. Differences between urban and rural areas, northern and southern provinces and by education of the women were analysed. The majority of the women had their first birth before age 20, but women with secondary education had a significantly higher age at first birth than those with little or no education, and women from the north had a significantly higher age at first birth than women from the south. Rural women and those with little or no education married at significantly younger ages than urban women and those with secondary education; these education effects were confirmed in a rural subsample of women. Women from rural areas and from the north had significantly shorter marriage to first birth intervals than urban women and those from the south, but there were no significant effects related to education.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2006

Socioeconomic factors, country of birth, and years in Sweden are associated with first birth fertility trends during the 1990s: a national cohort study.

AIMS: Decreasing fertility rates and postponement of first birth are of considerable public health concern in many industrialized countries. Previous studies suggest that this will increase involuntary childlessness in the population. The general aim was to examine the association between sociodemographic factors and first birth fertility trends in Sweden during the 1990s. METHODS: This Swedish national study examined changes in first birth rates and mean age at first birth between 1991 and 1992 (n = 452,000) and 1997-98 (n = 495,756). The impact of socioeconomic factors and years in Sweden on first birth fertility was examined among Swedish-born and 19 subgroups of foreign-born women aged 20-41 years. Poisson regression was used in the analysis. RESULTS: First birth rates decreased and mean age at first birth increased between the two periods among the Swedish-born and most foreign-born women. Non-employment and low income were associated with decreased first birth fertility, and low educational status was associated with slightly increased first birth fertility. Interaction tests revealed that, in contrast to Swedish-born women, several groups of foreign-born women increased their first birth fertility even if they were non-employed or had a low income. Among foreign-born women fewer years in Sweden was significantly associated with increased first birth fertility. CONCLUSION: Public health information should emphasize that postponement of first birth could lead to involuntary childlessness. Health care workers need to consider the woman's socioeconomic characteristics, country of birth, and years in Sweden when such information is given.

Adult↗
PubMed1987

Breast cancer risk associated with proliferative disease, age at first birth, and a family history of breast cancer.

The authors reevaluated 10,542 consecutive breast biopsies of women who presented at three Nashville hospitals. Median follow-up was 17 years for 3,398 women (84.4% of patients originally selected for follow-up). Breast cancer relative risks associated with no proliferative disease, proliferative disease without atypia, and atypical hyperplasia were 0.80, 1.4, and 4.0 times that for women from the Cancer in Connecticut data base, respectively (adjusted for age at biopsy, year of biopsy, and length of follow-up). Nulliparous women were at increased risk of breast cancer (relative risk = 1.6; 95% confidence interval (CI) = 1.1-2.2). Women who gave birth to their first child before age 21 years had a relative risk of 0.80, with higher cancer risks associated with later age at first birth. The effect of age at first birth on cancer risk followed a similar pattern within the no proliferative disease, proliferative disease without atypia, and atypical hyperplasia groups. Nulliparous women with atypical hyperplasia had a relative risk of 4.9 (95% CI = 2.7-8.9), while women with no proliferative disease who gave birth before age 21 years had a relative risk of 0.50 (95% CI = 0.19-1.3). Nulliparous women with a family history of breast cancer had a relative risk of 2.7 (95% CI = 1.4-5.2). Women with a family history who first gave birth by age 20, between ages 21 and 29, and after age 30 years had relative risks of 0.53, 2.1, and 4.0, respectively (95% CI = 0.08-3.8, 1.1-3.9, and 1.8-9.6, respectively). Breast size had no effect on cancer risk in women without proliferative disease. However, in women with proliferative disease, small, medium, and large breasts were associated with relative risks of 1.2, 1.4, and 2.1, respectively.

Adult↗
PubMed2002

Depression, parenthood, and age at first birth.

This study tests the hypothesis that the correlation between current depression and parenthood depends on the age at first birth for adults. An early first birth suggests a poor start in life. It may reflect a disordered transition from adolescence into adulthood and may itself disrupt that transition, with life long consequences that influence emotional well-being. To test the hypothesis we analyze data from a 1995 survey of 2592 US adults 18 through 95. Among the parents we find a generally negative association between age at first birth and recent feelings and signs of depression, adjusting for age, sex, minority status, and education of the respondent's parents. Respondents who had a first birth before age 23 report more feelings and signs of depression than do nonparents; those who had a first birth after age 23 report fewer than do nonparents. The association between depression and age at first birth is monotonic for males but parabolic for females. The age at first birth associated with the lowest predicted depression for females is around 30. Regression analyses indicate that several correlates account for the apparent psychological benefits of delaying first birth: later first marriages, higher educational attainment, lower risk of having had a prolonged period needing a job but not being able to find one, lower risk of having had periods lacking the money for household necessities, and better current physical health. For women, health consequences limit the emotional benefits of prolonged delay of the first birth.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2005

Cancer risk associated with early and late maternal age at first birth.

OBJECTIVE: This paper provides a review of the literature associating maternal age at first birth and cancer. Potential mechanisms explaining associations between maternal age at first birth and cancer are also discussed. METHOD: Systematic review of English language literature using searches on established databases (e.g., Medline, Popline) and the references of materials identified in these databases. RESULTS: Older age (typically defined as 35 years or older) at first birth is associated with increased risk of breast and brain cancers. Conversely, younger age (typically defined as 19 years or younger) at first birth is associated with an increased risk of cervical and endometrial cancers. There is an unclear correlation between maternal age at first birth and site-specific malignancies such as ovarian, colorectal, thyroid, pancreatic, and kidney cancers. Causal mechanisms linking age at first birth and cancer were identified and reported for breast, brain, cervical, and endometrial cancers. CONCLUSION: Older age at first birth increases the risk for breast and brain cancers but decreases the risk of cervical and endometrial cancers.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2001

First-birth cesarean and placental abruption or previa at second birth(1).

OBJECTIVE: To assess the association between first-birth cesarean delivery and second-birth placental abruption and previa. METHODS: We conducted a population-based, retrospective cohort analysis using data from the Washington State Birth Events Record Database. The study cohort included all primiparas who gave birth to live singleton infants in nonfederal short-stay hospitals from January 1, 1987, through December 31, 1996, and who had second singleton births during the same period (n = 96,975). Odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated for placental abruption or previa at second births associated with first-birth cesareans. RESULTS: Among our study cohort, abruptio placentae complicated 11.5 per 1000 and placenta previa 5.2 per 1000 singleton deliveries at second births. In logistic regression analyses adjusted for maternal age, women with first-birth cesareans had significantly increased risk of abruptio placentae (OR 1.3, 95% CI 1.1, 1.5), and placenta previa (OR 1.4, 95% CI 1.1, 1.6) at second births, compared with women with prior vaginal deliveries. CONCLUSION: We found moderately increased risk of placental abruption and previa as a long-term effect of prior cesarean delivery on second births.

Abruptio Placentae↗
PubMed1982

What's happening to the age at first birth in the United States? A study of recent cohorts.

This paper analyzes cross-cohort trends in the age pattern of women at first birth in the United States. The analysis involves fitting the Coale-McNeil marriage model to the age distribution of first birth frequencies for a number of recent white and nonwhite cohorts. Methodologically, the results (a) provide support for the application of the Coale-McNeil marriage model to first birth data, and (b) demonstrate the ability of the model to accurately project first birth fertility for cohorts which have yet to complete their childbearing years. Substantively the results indicate (a) that the proportion of women who will never have a first birth is increasing across cohorts and can be expected to be as high as .25 and .20 for recent white and nonwhite cohorts respectively; (b) that recent nonwhite cohorts have an appreciable number of first births at earlier ages than their white counterparts, as well as a lower mean age at first birth and increasingly less dispersion (across cohorts) in their age at first birth; and (c) that the mean age at first birth and the proportion of first births occurring between ages 25 and 34 is increasing across cohorts of white women but is stable across cohorts of nonwhite women.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2004

An evolutionary model of stature, age at first birth and reproductive success in Gambian women.

We have built a model to predict optimal age at first birth for women in a natural fertility population. The only existing fully evolutionary model, based on Ache hunter-gatherers, argues that as women gain weight, their fertility (rate of giving birth) increases-thus age at first birth represents a trade-off between time allocated to weight gain and greater fertility when mature. We identify the life-history implications of female age at first birth in a Gambian population, using uniquely detailed longitudinal data collected from 1950 to date. We use height rather than weight as an indicator of growth as it is more strongly correlated with age at first birth. Stature does not greatly influence fertility in this population but has a significant effect on offspring mortality. We model age at first reproduction as a trade-off between the time spent growing and reduced infant mortality after maturation. Parameters derived from this population are fitted to show that the predicted optimal mean age of first birth, which maximizes reproductive success, is 18 years, very close to that observed. The reaction norm associated with variation in growth rate during childhood also satisfactorily predicts the variation in age at first birth.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2005

Age at first birth, health, and mortality.

The biodevelopmental view sees the readiness and soundness of the organism at the time of first birth as its prime link to health and survival years and decades later. It suggests an optimum age at first birth shortly after puberty. The biosocial view emphasizes social correlates and consequences of age at first birth that may influence health and survival many years later. It suggests that better health and survival come from delaying motherhood as long as possible, perhaps indefinitely. Analyses consistently find patterns more in keeping with the biosocial view in a U.S. national sample of women ages 25 through 95. The fitted curves show high levels of current health problems among women who first gave birth in or shortly after puberty. Problems drop steadily the longer that first birth was delayed, up to about age 34, then rise increasingly steeply, particularly after about age 40. For women currently of the same age, the ratio of health problems expected given first birth under age 18 versus around age 34 equals that from currently being 14 years older. Health problems rise steeply with length of having delayed beyond age 40. Mortality hazard also declines with having delayed first birth well beyond the end of puberty. The ratio of mortality hazard between mothers with teenage versus late first births equals that from a 10-year difference in current age. Comparison to nonmothers of similar age and race/ethnicity shows that the correlation of motherhood with health problems and mortality hazard switches from detrimental to beneficial with delay beyond about age 22.

Adult↗
PubMed1993

Do delayed childbearers face increased risks of adverse pregnancy outcomes after the first birth?

OBJECTIVE: To investigate whether the age-related risk of adverse pregnancy outcomes in the first birth persisted in the second birth, before and after adjusting for the influence of an adverse pregnancy outcome in the first birth and for other possible confounders. METHODS: Prospectively collected longitudinal data from the Swedish Medical Birth Registry (n = 210,735 women) were analyzed to contrast the effects of maternal age at the first birth on the risk of adverse pregnancy outcomes in the first and second successive births. RESULTS: Rates of adverse pregnancy outcomes were substantially higher in first than in second births. Compared with women aged 20-24, women aged 30-34 years had significantly higher odds ratios (ORs) of late fetal death (OR 1.4) and early neonatal death (OR 1.4) for the first but not for second births; women aged 35+ had a significantly higher OR of late fetal death (OR 2.2) for the first but not for second births. Women over 35 also had a significantly higher OR of early neonatal death for the first birth (OR 2.8) and less of an increase for second births (OR 1.8), a higher OR of low birth weight (LBW) for the first (OR 1.5) and second births (OR 1.6), and a higher OR of preterm birth for the first (OR 1.4) and second births (OR 1.7). Despite the strong tendency to repeat an adverse pregnancy outcome in second births, the age-related ORs did not change with adjustment for the previous pregnancy outcome. CONCLUSION: Women aged 30+ at their first births have increased risks of adverse pregnancy outcomes in first births. However, second births showed no age-related increase in late fetal death and a smaller increase in early neonatal death. Increased risks for LBW and preterm birth were similar for first and second births of delayed childbearers.

Adult↗
PubMed1991

Patterns and change in Canadian fertility 1971-1988: first births after age 30.

An analysis of Canada's changing pattern of births during the period 1971-1988 suggests that the tempo and timing of fertility has changed. Between 1971 and 1988, the number and rates of first births to women in their 30s increased rapidly, and rates for women younger than 25 declined. The rate of first births (first births per 1,000 women) for women 30-34 increased from 11.5 in 1971 to 17.1 in 1981 and to 22.3 in 1988--a 94% increase over the 17 years. The rate for women 35-39 also rose from 3.0 in 1971 to 3.6 in 1981 and 5.9 in 1988--a 97% increase occurring mostly in the 1980s.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1986

The effect of marital status at first birth on marital dissolution among adolescent mothers.

The sequencing of marriage and first birth was expected to play an important role in the stability of marriage among adolescent mothers. We hypothesized that adolescent women who married prior to conception would have the lowest rates of marital disruption, followed by those who married between conception and birth. Adolescent women who gave birth prior to marriage were expected to suffer the highest rates of marital dissolution. The results provide partial support for our hypotheses. There is little difference in the probability of separation between adolescent mothers who had a postmarital conception and those who had a premarital conception but married before the birth. Having a premarital birth, however, significantly increases the probability of marital dissolution. We also hypothesized that marital status at first birth would have less effect on the probability of marital dissolution for blacks than for whites. This, too, is generally supported by our findings. Among black females, those with a premarital birth are the first to suffer a marital disruption, but by the end of ten years there is little difference in the probability of separation among the three marital status groups. In contrast, among white females, those with a premarital birth are the first to experience a disruption, and this differential persists over all subsequent marriage duration intervals. Thus, the sequencing of marriage relative to birth has similar short term effects for whites and blacks, but the effect for blacks is evident only in the short term. Ten years after the marriage, black adolescent mothers have similar rates of marital stability regardless of the sequencing of marriage. This is consistent with the findings of previous research and with our hypothesis; with the black family pattern of lower rates of marriage, higher rates of illegitimacy and higher divorce rates, the sequencing of marriage has no long lasting consequences on marital stability. Finally, our predicted decline in the effect of marital status at first birth over historical time also finds partial support. For white females there has been a change in the effect of marriage-first birth sequencing on separation over time. In the period encompassed by the women in our study, white adolescent mothers who married subsequent to the birth have been the most likely to experience a separation at all marriage duration intervals, but this differential narrows as age at interview declines. Among black females there has been no change in the effect of a premarital birth over time.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Adolescent↗
PubMed1984

Age at first birth and the risk of epithelial ovarian cancer.

The relationships between age at first birth, parity, and the risk of ovarian cancer were evaluated in a case-control study of 272 women with histologically confirmed epithelial ovarian cancer and 544 age-matched controls with a spectrum of acute conditions unrelated to any of the established or potential risk factors for ovarian cancer. Late age at first birth was associated with increased risk: Compared to women who first had a child before the age of 22 years, the relative risks (RR) for those who first gave birth at ages 22-24, 25-27, and 28 or more were 2.7, 3.2, and 4.0, respectively. Nulliparous women showed increased RR (3.9) comparable to the RR among women who first bore a child at age 25 or more, regardless of the number of births. The elevated risk associated with later age at first birth was not accounted for by low parity. The risk of ovarian cancer, as expected, increased with decreasing parity: RR estimates for women having 5 or more, 3 or 4, and 1 or 2 children and for nulliparae were 1.0, 1.7, 1.9, and 2.6, respectively. However, the inverse association between parity and ovarian cancer could be accounted for largely by the importance of age at first birth, because when adjustment was made for that variable, the RR for 3 or 4 and 1 or 2 children decreased to 1.3 and 1.2, respectively. Thus the results of the present study show a strong independent effect of age at first birth on the risk of epithelial ovarian cancer, whereas the association with parity can be explained largely or totally in terms of a high correlation between total parity and age at first birth. The pattern of ovarian cancer risk that emerges from this study, therefore, is similar to the epidemiology of breast cancer. General evidence on this issue from various other studies, however, is rather controversial, and similar analysis of other data-sets would be useful.

Adult↗
PubMed1984

Age at first birth and breast atypia.

The relation between age at first birth and the occurrence of fibrocystic breast disease of different atypia subtypes was evaluated using data from a cohort study of the health effects of oral-contraceptive use. Multivariate case-control analysis was performed on 218 parous women with biopsied fibrocystic disease and 928 parous controls. Fibrocystic breast disease, as a whole and as atypia subtypes, was found to be unrelated to age at first birth. Furthermore, the estimated effect of age at first birth did not vary from one atypia subtype to another. Women with high parity were found to be at decreased risk of fibrocystic breast disease compared to those with low parity. Age at completion of education, used as an indicator of socioeconomic status, was found to be moderately associated with fibrocystic breast disease. The estimated effect of parity and age at completion of education also did not vary among subtypes. More epidemiologic studies specific to histopathologic classifications of benign breast disease are called for.

Adult↗
PubMed2002

The impact of labor-saving technology on first birth intervals in rural Ethiopia.

Across the developing world labor-saving technologies introduce considerable savings in the time and energy that women allocate to work. Hormonal studies on natural fertility populations indicate that such a reduction in energetic expenditure (rather than improved nutritional status alone) can lead to increased ovarian function. Other qualitative studies have highlighted a link between labor-saving technology and behavioral changes affecting subsequent age at marriage, which may affect fertility. This biodemographic study was designed to investigate whether these physiological and behavioral changes affect fertility at a population level by focusing on a recent water development scheme in Southern Ethiopia. The demographic consequences of a reduction in women's workload following the installation of water points, specifically the variation in length of first birth interval (time lapsed between marriage and first birth), are investigated. First birth interval length is closely associated with lifetime fertility in populations that do not practice contraception, longer intervals being associated with lower fertility. Using life tables and multivariate hazard modeling techniques a number of significant predictors of first birth interval length are identified. Covariates such as age at marriage, season of marriage, village ecology, and access to improved water supply have significant effects on variation in first birth intervals. When entered into models as a time-varying covariate, access to a water tap stand is associated with an immediate reduction in length of first birth intervals.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1993

Age of marriage and length of the first birth interval in a traditional Indian society: life table and hazards model analysis.

The length of the first birth interval is one of the strongest and most persistent factors affecting fertility in noncontracepting populations, with longer intervals usually associated with lower fertility. Compared to Western society, the average length of the first birth interval is much longer in traditional Indian society. Yet Indian fertility rates are higher because of either ineffective family planning procedures or deliberate nonuse of birth control and because of the high proportion of the population that is married. Here, we examine the effects of various sociodemographic covariates (with an emphasis on the role of age at marriage) on the length of the first birth interval for two states of India: Assam and Uttar Pradesh. Life table and multivariate hazards modeling techniques are applied to the data. Covariates such as age at marriage, present age of mother, female's occupation, family income, and place of residence have strong effects on the variation of the length of the first birth interval. For each subgroup of females (classified according to different levels of the covariates), the median length of the first birth interval for the Assam (Bengali-speaking) sample is shorter than that of the Uttar Pradesh (Hindi-speaking) sample.

Adolescent↗