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Results for “Family Planning Education”

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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources
PubMed1983

Values clarification as a technique for family planning education.

A Spanish language family planning education program utilizing the dynamics of values clarification has been designed and implemented in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico. The design of the program features three basic personality identification activities to help individuals identify other dimensions of adult life expression than child rearing. In addition, a series of simple and precise scenarios specifically related to family planning are presented. Each scenario is accompanied by a set of valuing questions that direct the learner to respond to the scenario. The activity booklet is entitled, "Clarification De Valores En La Planificacion Familar." The booklet requires the learner to make responses to the learning materials. Responses are then used as a basis for inferring that people are comprehending and above all personalizing knowledge about themselves and their culture and family planning. The program is cross cultural and can be used in Spanish speaking communities in the U.S. Its English language form can be used with English speaking target populations. Statistical analysis of seven critical categories of the program indicated that the shifts in attitudes from pre-to post-values, whether positive or negative (desirable or undesirable), were not significant at the .05 level of confidence. It should, however, be noted that small shifts in the rate of natural increase, or rate of natural decrease for population growth can have a dramatic effect on population growth when multiplied by time.

Contraception↗
PubMed1988

The impacts of health, education, family planning and electrification programs on fertility, mortality and child schooling in East Java, Indonesia.

This paper examines the effects of public health, family planning, education, electrification, and water supply programs on fertility, child mortality, and school enrollment decisions of rural households in East Java, Indonesia. The theoretical model assumes that parents maximize a utility function, subject to 1) a budget constraint that equates income with expenditures on children (including schooling and health inputs), and 2) a production function that relates health inputs to child survival possibilities. Public programs affect prices of contraceptives, schooling and health inputs, and environmental conditions that in turn affect child survival. Data are taken from the 1980 East Java Population Survey, the Socio-economic Survey, and the Detailed Village Census. The final sample consists of 3170 rural households with married women of childbearing age. Ordinary least squares and logit regressions of recent fertility, child mortality, and school enrollment on program and household variables yielded the following findings. 1) The presence of maternal and child health clinics reduced fertility but not mortality. 2) The presence of public health centers strongly reduced mortality but not fertility. 3) The presence of contraceptive distribution centers had no effect on fertility. 4) School attendance rates were influenced positively by the availability of primary and secondary schools. 5) Health and family planning programs had no effects on schooling. 6) The availability of public latrines reduced fertility and mortality. 7) The water supply variable did not affect the dependent variables when ordinary least squares techniques were applied but had statistically significant impact when logit methods were used. 8) Electricity supply had little effect on the dependent variables. 9) The mother's schooling had a strong positive correlation with children's schooling but no effect on fertility or mortality. 10) Household expenditures were related positively to school attendance and negatively to mortality. 11) There was little or no interaction between household variables and presence of government programs. 12) Subprovincial area measures of service availability appeared more appropriate for public health and family planning services, while village-level measures appeared more appropriate for schooling.

Asia↗
PubMed2000

The effects of family planning education provided to different gender groups.

OBJECTIVE: To determine whether women or men should be preferred as the target group of the family planning education. DESIGN: Community trial (educational intervention study). SETTING: Three villages having similar characteristics in Gaziantep, Turkey. POPULATION: Currently married women aged between 15-49 and their husbands in these villages. METHODS: Family planning education was given only to women in the first village, only to men in the second village and to both women and their husbands in the third village. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Changes in knowledge, attitudes, the behaviour of married women and their husbands between surveys performed before and after family planning education. RESULTS: Important changes in knowledge, attitudes, and behaviour were determined in all intervention groups after family planning education. The rate of effective contraceptive usage among women using any one of the contraceptive methods described significantly increased in all groups, especially where family planning education was given to both sexes. CONCLUSIONS: Family planning education given to one of the couples may easily affect the other. Consistent and regular education is more important than selecting target gender groups for family planning education.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1993

Family planning education helps build self-esteem.

I got married at the age of 20. In our community, generally girls are married off at 15 or 16, but my marriage was delayed according to my father's and my wishes. I did not desire to have my first child immediately. My husband and I are very young and I did not want to assume maternal responsibilities so early in life. Picking up courage, I spoke to my husband. On learning that he had similar views, I was very relieved. I belong to a middle-class family. Due to an absence of a high school in the village. I was forced to drop out of school. Young girls in our community are not allowed to move freely within the village, much less the outside world. But when I was 19, I got the opportunity to gain a lot of information on family planning, health, personal hygiene and good nutrition as part of the Better Life Project. I also learned beauty skills, embroidery, knitting and video film-making. Often I share the information and skills I learned with others. I have even advised my brother's wives about proper child care and immunization. Now that I have a good relationship with the unmarried sister of my husband, I sometimes tell her whatever I have learned. I have felt a great change in myself. My earlier inhibitions in talking to people have dropped, and I can entertain and speak freely with guests who come home. I am more confident about traveling outside my village to other places alone or with company. Learning to operate a video camera and producing a film was my favorite experience. I discovered that I can do what is normally said to be the work of boys only. Sometimes I think that if I had not learned new skills, I would not have been able to share my feelings about family planning with my husband. My mother-in-law is also agreeable to our decision about waiting to have children because both my brothers-in-law have large families. However, I have to face my sisters-in-law who taunt me about my childless status. The problem now is that my husband is not satisfied using condoms. I have decided to consult the doctor at the mobile clinic about taking pills or other methods of contraception.

Asia↗
PubMed1976

The effectiveness of family planning education on acceptance of contraception by postpartum mothers.

A prospective controlled study on the maternity service of the American University Medical Center, Beirut, Lebanon, tested the effect of family planning education during the postpartum lying-in period on recruiting contraceptive acceptors. The study further determined how women with different socio-demographic backgrounds, life styles, and levels of readiness for the practice of family planning responded to the educational program. The results revealed that a postpartum educational effort could almost double family planning acceptance among women who returned to the postpartum clinic within the first 9 weeks after delivery and that the educational impact was evident irrespective of the respondents' socio-demographic characteristics, life styles, and levels of readiness for family planning.

Adult↗