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A study in Bangladesh showed that couples who lost a child often stopped practising contraception in order to have another child. Logistic regression analysis revealed that contraceptive continuation was related to maternal age, parity, husband's education and the sex of the last child.
Use of oral contraceptives by married women declined markedly between 1973 and 1982, but analysis of data from the 1988 National Survey of Family Growth shows that this decline stopped between 1982 and 1988. Reliance on female sterilization continued to increase, however, and it remained the leading method among currently married and formerly married women. Among women of all marital statuses, IUD use dropped by two-thirds between 1982 and 1988, from 2.2 million to 0.7 million women. As the proportion of less-educated, low-income, black and Hispanic contraceptive users choosing the IUD decreased, the proportion relying on female sterilization increased. Among college-educated white women, use of female sterilization did not increase; instead, pill use rose in this group. Condom use increased most sharply among teenagers and rose among never-married white and black women, but the pill was still the leading method by far in these groups, regardless of race. Among never-married black women, reliance on sterilization increased significantly between 1982 and 1988, with female sterilization becoming the second leading method. Use of the diaphragm declined sharply over the same period among never-married white women and among those who intended to have more children, as did use of periodic abstinence (rhythm and natural family planning) and foam.
A retrospective study of 1,311 women making initial family planning visits to metropolitan-area health department clinics found that many women switch methods or discontinue use in the first year following the clinic visits. Among a subgroup of women, most of whom selected the pill as their primary method and who used the pill for at least one of the months in the study period, almost half either changed methods or used no method at some point during a follow-up period averaging eight months. This includes 13 percent of women who made two or more changes. In addition, only 42 percent said they took a pill every day, and only half of these said they always took their pill at about the same time every day. Despite such irregularities, pill users were approximately one-third as likely to get pregnant during the study period as women making an initial family planning visit to a health department clinic who did not use the pill at all.
The demographic features and contraceptive practices of 1000 women attending Parkview clinic of Wellington Hospital for termination of pregnancy were studied over an eight month period in 1988-9. Comparisons were made with a previous study at the same clinic in 1980-1. The overall abortion rate has increased from 6.8/1000 women in the Wellington statistical area in 1981 to 9.8 in 1989. The proportion of Pacific Island and Asian women presenting for abortions is high and has increased disproportionately between 1981 and 1989. The abortion rate has also increased in lower socioeconomic groups in 1989. The proportion of women using contraception at the time of conception increased from 50% in 1981 to 68.5% in 1989. The methods used by women presenting for abortion have changed significantly. There has been an increase in the proportion of women using condoms (from 13.3% to 36.2%) and the oral contraceptive pill from (14% to 21.4%).
Despite fluctuations in current use rates for oral contraceptives, ever-use of the pill has remained remarkably stable for all cohorts of U.S. women born since 1945. Approximately 80 percent of these women report having used the pill at some time. Average duration of use is about five years among cohorts who had access to the pill from their earliest reproductive years. Among women born before 1940, whites are more likely than blacks to have ever used the pill, but no racial difference is evident among women in later cohorts. Age at first use of the pill has declined with each succeeding five-year birth cohort. Black women are more likely than white women to have used oral contraceptives before age 18, but by age 25, about three-fourths of blacks and whites have used the pill. Among ever-users born before 1945, the majority began taking the pill after their first full-term pregnancy; this pattern is reversed among more recent cohorts.
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An evaluation of the reproductive health programs of six diverse school-based clinics measured the impact of the clinics on sexual behavior and contraceptive use. All six clinics served low-income populations; at five of them, the great majority of the students served were black. An analysis of student visits by type of care given found that these clinics were not primarily family planning facilities; rather, they provided reproductive health care as one component of a comprehensive health program. Student survey data collected in the clinic schools and nearby comparison schools (four sites) or collected both before the clinic opened and two years later (two sites) indicated that the clinics neither hastened the onset of sexual activity nor increased its frequency. The clinics had varying effects on contraceptive use. Providing contraceptives on site was not enough to significantly increase their use; in only one of the three sites that did so were students in the clinic school significantly more likely than students in the comparison school to have used birth control during last intercourse. However, condom use rose sharply at one clinic school that had a strong AIDS education program and was located in a community where AIDS was a salient issue. At another clinic school, where pregnancy prevention was a high priority and staff issued vouchers for contraceptives, the use of condoms and pills was significantly higher than in the comparison school. A third clinic school--which focused on high-risk youth, emphasized pregnancy prevention and dispensed birth control pills--recorded a significantly higher use of pills than its comparison school. Although the data suggest that the clinics probably prevented small numbers of pregnancies at some schools, none of the clinics had a statistically significant effect on school-wide pregnancy rates.
The proportion of U.S. women who used a contraceptive method at their first premarital intercourse rose from 47 percent in 1975-1979 to 65 percent in 1983-1988. Overall, and among non-Hispanic white women, this change resulted entirely from an increase in the use of condoms by their partners. The proportion of whites who used a condom at first premarital intercourse, for example, increased from 24 percent to 45 percent. Among blacks, condom use at first intercourse increased from 24 percent to 32 percent during that period, and pill use rose from 15 percent to 23 percent. Among all women, the method most often used at first intercourse during every period in the study was the condom, followed by the pill and withdrawal. The proportion of women using a method at first premarital intercourse varies strikingly according to individual characteristics. Among the various demographic subgroups, the proportion who use a method varies from 32 percent of Hispanic women to 68 percent of Jewish women. Whites are more likely to use a method than are blacks, and fundamentalist Prostestants are less likely to use a method than are other Protestants or Catholics. The proportion using a method is higher among women whose mothers completed high school than among those whose mothers did not. In addition, the proportion rises with age at first intercourse. Multiple logistic regression showed that the independent effects of Hispanic origin, Jewish or fundamentalist Protestant religious affiliation and the education of a woman's mother are large and significant.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
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Employed data from two longitudinal surveys of gay men in San Francisco (a) to examine for cohort (Study 1) and attrition (Studies 1 and 2) bias effects on reported changes in condom use by gay men and (b) to investigate predictors of condom use (Study 2). Substantial increases in condom use were observed, and these changes were unrelated to attrition and cohort bias. In terms of predictors of condom use, men who always used condoms had higher levels of social support from informal sources of help, had more positive expectations that condoms would have positive interpersonal and personal consequences, and were more likely to be HIV positive than men who used condoms occasionally or never. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for HIV-prevention research.
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This article reviews the major approaches implemented during the last two decades to reduce sexual risk-taking behaviors, examines their evidence for success, and provides several recommendations for effective programs and program evaluations. This article does not discuss more broad-based sexuality education programs which address sexuality in a broader context. Instead, this article focuses primarily on programs that educators believed would reduce unprotected sexual intercourse.
This study examines AIDS awareness, knowledge of transmission and prevention among students, who not only belong to the sexually active age bracket, but who are the future leaders of the nation. The student population was stratified into those in the health and non-health disciplines and an accidental sampling technique was used to obtain the respondents from the 2 strata. 60 students were interviewed from each stratum. A majority of the medical students, 58.3% as against 48.3% of the non-medical students, perceived AIDS as a dreadful disease that is sexually transmitted. Next among the non-medical students were those who felt that AIDS was God's punishment for man's sexual excesses (20.0%), while only 3.3% of the medical students gave that response. Of importance in the study is that none of the students attributed AIDS to mystical forces, an issue which could be linked to their educational exposure. Some students associated the disease with affluence, an issue that had been documented by other researchers. Another point worthy of note in the study is the fact that even though 89% and 61.2% of the medical and non-medical students, respectively, believed that AIDS can be prevented by the use of condoms, most of them were not favourably disposed towards the use of condoms. This study thus reveals an area that needs attention, ie that apart from emphasising the level of awareness, there should be a focus on how to effect behavioural change among a knowledgeable population.
A survey conducted in 1990 among final year medical students found that most respondents had a good knowledge about AIDS and its routes of transmission. Among the 13.7% of respondents that were sexually active, it was noted that only 35% had used the condom before and that only 20% had used it in the most recent occasion of sexual intercourse. It was noted that only 30% of the sexually active had intention using the condom when they next have sexual intercourse despite the fact that 40% of them were having sexual intercourse with causal partners. Despite having a high knowledge of AIDS, medical students at the National University of Singapore have a low use of condoms.
As a result of the restrictive reproductive health policies enforced under the 25-year Ceausescu dictatorship, Romania ended the 1980s with the highest recorded maternal mortality of any country in Europe--159 deaths per 100,000 live births in 1989. An estimated 87 percent of these maternal deaths were caused by illegal and unsafe abortion. Under the Ceausescu regime, all contraceptive methods were forbidden and induced abortion was available only for women who met extremely narrow criteria. Immediately after the December 1989 revolution that overthrew Ceausescu, the new government removed restrictions on contraceptive use and legalized abortion. This legislative change has had beneficial effects on women's health, seen in the drop in maternal mortality in 1990 to 83 deaths per 100,000 live births--almost half the ratio in 1989. In addition, changes instituted since the revolution have led to the improved availability of reproductive health services and to the creation of new educational and training opportunities related to reproductive health services and to the creation of new educational and training opportunities related to reproductive health. The newly created contraceptive and abortion services have presented health system managers and policymakers with many challenges as they work to expand the availability of high-quality, comprehensive reproductive health care in a setting of economic hardship, political unrest, insufficient infrastructure, and outdated medical knowledge and practice.
This report compares fertility and family planning intentions of rural Indian women in 1975 with actual outcomes in 1987. Ninety-four of 103 respondents who had fewer children than they wanted in 1975 and had stated definite intentions with respect to future fertility and contraceptive use were reinterviewed in 1987. Overall, women had fewer children than desired and stopped childbearing when they reached or closely approximated their ideal number of sons. Since sons were clearly the determinant of "reproductive success," it is argued that only a significant change in the status of rural women can bring about widespread compliance with the official family planning program's two-child norm.
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A controlled field study involving 1,444 adolescent males and females 13-19 years of age was performed to compare a sexuality education program based on the health belief model and social learning theory with several publicly funded community-based and school-based interventions. Among males who had never had intercourse prior to participating in the study, those in the experimental program were more likely than those in the comparison programs to maintain abstinence over the next year; there was no program effect, however, among females. Among female adolescents who initiated intercourse after the start of the study, attendees of the comparison programs were more likely to have used an effective contraceptive at most recent intercourse and to have used an effective method more consistently than were those who attended the experimental program; no such association was seen among comparable young men. Both experimental and comparison programs significantly increased the consistent use of effective methods among teenagers who had been coitally active before attending the programs. Among males, however, when preintervention contraceptive efficiency was held constant, the experimental program led to significantly greater contraceptive efficiency during the follow-up year than did the comparison programs; among females, the two approaches produced an equivalent degree of improvement. Finally, prior exposure to sexuality education was associated with greater contraceptive efficiency at the one-year follow-up among almost all sexual-experience and gender groups, regardless of the type of intervention program attended.