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Prof. Lyra discusses in this article the basic problem of criminological sciences, stating that its essential object of study is the determination of the genesis of crime. The Author states that, before defining the crime genesis, it is necessary to outline, through a synthesis of epistemological restructurization of criminology itself. This way, we can develop a conception of Dialectic Criminology, where the term "dialectic" does not necessarily coincide with a marxist posture, but it extends along much more complex and comprehensive parameters. Dialectic Criminology is defined, in Lyra's conception, as a Classified Criminology, synthetizing both the psychological approach (clinical criminology, or micro-criminology), and the sociological approach (sociological criminology or macro-criminology), according to an anthropological basic frame of reference, which constitutes the new and original prerequisite. To this aim, according to Prof. Lyra, it is necessary to overcome merely biological or psychological theories, and the new sociologisms, which cannot explain deviant behavior without falling into dogmatism or relativism. It is necessary to give back to criminology its original ethico-philosophical roots, and to place the problem of crime within a new "praxis" concept, which takes into account the authentic freedom of man, interracting with historical evolution. This way, through Dialectic Criminology, we can overcome the conception of crime and delinquency viewed as counterparts of the concept of Law.
In recent decades a new profession has developed--clinical criminology. The purpose of this article is to highlight its development. Criminology is defined as a interdisciplinary super-profession. We tend to view criminology as a basic profession with a number of specializations. Clinical criminology is one of these specializations. Forensic psychiatry and clinical criminology have common roots in psychiatry, law and behavioural sciences. They overlap in some fields. Members of both professions work in the same setting and share some of the tasks, but the formal and professional responsibilities differ significantly. We perceive clinical criminology and forensic psychiatry as complementary professions belonging to medicine. The multidisciplinary educated clinical criminologist is the only professional in the forensic system who is qualified to moderate between the mental health and legal expert.
This study is intended to analyze the historical evolution of criminological schools, in the background, wider and more articulated, of a research by the National Council for Scientific Research directed to probing the outlines of the social defence concept. The work, then, proceeds in the field of criminology and, more particularly, of the evolution of criminological currents which, without defining aims, we will name classical to tell them from the original criminology, of positivistic imprint, and from the new criminology of critical, radical or marxist inspiration, whose examination in entrusted to another research unit. The method followed was that of the historical research with reference to the selected period and with a constant relation, in text and notes, to the enunciations of the examined Authors, considered essential. For such purpose, that is to say for more accuracy in references, it was considered convenient to have the text followed, not only by an ample bibliographical index, but also by an appendix of texts considered particularly significant in the documentation field.
The early history of criminology was one of interaction with genetics and biology, but since the sociological school emerged in the 1920's there has occurred a major split between sociological criminology and biology. Behavioral genetics as it has developed since 1950 has great relevance to criminology in terms of neurological and brain functioning, learning processes, violence and the XYY syndrome, and the sociopathy. A new interdisciplinary research effort must be undertaken in order to look at the interaction of genetics, human behavior, criminal law and criminology. If criminology is interested in learning, motivation, aggression and behavior, it must incorporate the new genetics into its theoretical structure.
A feast of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) in medical science and comparative famine in criminology can be explained in terms of cultural and structural factors. Of central importance is the context in which the evaluation of interventions is done and the difference in status of situational research in the two disciplines. Evaluation of medical interventions has traditionally been led by practitioner (clinical) academics. This is not the case in criminal justice, where theory has had higher status than intervention research. Medical science has advanced in, or closely associated with, university teaching hospitals, but links between criminology and criminal justice services are far more tenuous. The late development of situational crime prevention seems extraordinary from a medical perspective, as does the absence of university police schools in the United Kingdom and elsewhere. These structural and cultural factors explain concentration of expectation, resource, and RCT productivity in medical science. The Campbell Collaboration and the Academy of Experimental Criminology are forces which are reducing this polarization of feast and famine in RCTs. But unless scientific criminology is embedded in university schools which are responsible for the education and training of law, probation, and police practitioners, convergence in terms of RCTs and implementation of findings in practice seems unlikely.
There is conventional crime and unconventional crime. The first is mostly made up of offences against persons, property, morals and public order; the second of crimes committed under cover of official positions; against international laws; by "intelligence services"; terrorism; economic and financial frauds; illicit trade; criminal corruption at high levels; discriminatory practices; pollution; illicit traffic drugs, etc.. The vast majority of them are defined as criminal offences by national penal codes and special laws, but largely go unpunished. Unconventional crime cannot be explained by the traditional references to the personality of the offender. The explanation for the failure of contemporary criminology lies mostly in regarding the phenomenon of criminality as the ensemble of crimes which may be individually explained, instead of considering it as a sociopolitical phenomenon. If criminology is to survive, it must realize that the conventional is only one aspect of the sociopolitical phenomenon of crime, and that the study of unconventional crime demands an approach that the self-satisfied criminologies of our time cannot provide. The discussion and the study on unconventional crime will raise political difficulties, but the time has come that criminology and criminal justice face the fact that science can no longer be (or assume to be) neutral.
The Author makes a 'tour d'horizon', albeit summarized, of the problems brought about by the victim "from crime" in the exclusive picture of criminology. After defining the dogmatic relations between criminology and victimology, stating that such a (new) discipline highlights the entirety of the criminal event centering upon the dyad criminal-victim, the latest classifications of the victim viewed individually and also in his manifold relationships with the acting subject, are reviewed, in the attempt of identifying, on the basis of the various situations of victimization as they occur, if not some causal laws proper, at least some constants and some emerging lines susceptible of an in-depth analysis. After hinting to the problems brought about by the victim in the supranational prospect, and by the crimes so-called without a victim, the importance of the victim from the criminalistics and criminal execution angle, is outlined, and the Author closes up, by way of conclusion, and at the operational level, broadly hinting to the most suitable methods for the prevention and repairing in regard of the victims of crime.
The paper discusses problems in organization of identification studies under conditions of mass deaths as exemplified by forensic medical records of medical criminological identification studies of subjects killed during war conflict in Chechnya. The evolution of the organization model of identification studies is shown transformation of organization philosophy, formation of expert algorithms, formalization and technologic realization of expert solutions.
The submitted paper reacts to the unsatisfactory state as regards the literary treatment, and in particular the practical application of entomology in forensic medicine and criminology. The authors draw attention to the relatively wide perspectives of the application of entomological findings in the mentioned disciplines and define more accurately some terminological and oecological problems. The core of the work is a review of important species of necrophilous insects focused on Coleoptera. This part is introduced by an outline of oecological groups of necrophilous insects, whereby emphasis is given to their claims on habitat and food and their biotopical claims. The account of species is based on the chronological sequence as the insect invade the corpse in different stages of its destruction. Attention is paid also to abiotic (in particular climatic) factors which influence the rate of destruction. As to more extensive possible applications of entomology in the above disciplines, at least the following should be mentioned: 1. Application on the basis of the trophic relationship of insects and he corpses (time of death, possibly post-mortem transport based on investigation of the entomofauna of the corpse). 2. Information on restricted hygienic habits of the dead (the presence of ectoparasitic insects). 3. Passive intoxications, possibly active intoxications by poisonous insects. 4. Insects incidentally found on clothes, motor vehicles etc. during examination. In the conclusion the authors emphasize methodical problems of collection and processing of material and outline the prerequisites for extending and improving the application of entomological findings and methods in the mentioned disciplines.
In order to improve the cooperation between medical criminology departments of the organs of home affairs and forensic medical service in personality identification of unidentified corpses, the authors propose amendments to the routine procedure regulated by documents of the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Russian Federation, for these documents are in need of serious correction and revision, so that they conform to the judicial legislation and other documents.
L-Cystine-aminopeptidase (CAP) enzyme cleaves L-cystine-di-beta-naphthylamide substrate to beta-naphthylamine. The final product of this process is a violet azostain. CAP enzyme determination was developed for criminological procedures. CAP shows almost 100 times greater activity in human semen than in other body fluids. Samples taken at different time intervals (1 week, 1-3-6 months, 1 year, and 5-10 years) were investigated; they were dried on cloth and filter paper and then stored at room temperature for various time periods. The enzyme was also shown to be specific in the comparative studies performed with other human secretions (nasal discharge, saliva, vaginal secretion, feces, urine, breast milk) and fruit juices (raspberry, strawberry, apple, pear, plum, tomato, etc.).
Metal ions of exogenous origin can penetrate into the hair and can be accumulated. Penetration and distribution of metal ions could be examined by means of electron microprobe-analysis. The dependence of the accumulation of different kations on the concentration of these in the surrounding solutions have been determined by atomic absorption spectroscopy. The dimension of accumulation depends on various factors: the chemical nature of the ion involved, its concentration in the solution and the solutions pH-value, the nature of the anions present as well as the nature and concentration of other kations. The distribution of the kations in the hair can be changed by washing with distilled water. The significance of the present physical-chemical experiments with hairs for criminology, toxicology and to environmental protection were discussed in detail. It was shown that the content of zinc in the hair is of predominantly endogenous origin; moreover, a strong accumulation in the hair root took place. The study of the accumulation mechanism should contribute to clarifying other possible accumulation mechanisms. Further information should be expected from extention of these experiments.
We analyzed psychiatric and criminological data from 103 arsonists. The following criticisms of the definition of pyromania according to DSM-III-R and IDC-10 seem appropriate. First, the categoric exclusion of aggressive motives does not seem very promising, since approximately one fourth of arsonists whose firesetting is based on motives quoted in DSM-III-R may also have an aggressive motive. Second, ICD-10 gives being drunk and alcoholism as a criterion for the exclusion of pyromania. This seems untenable, since the behavior classed as pyromania is largely a product of alcohol misuse. Repeated firesetting, resulting from being fascinated by fire etc., may be less a disturbance of impulse control but rather the manifestation of a psychoinfantilism, which, supported by alcohol abuse, extends into older age. The mean age of such arsonists is slightly above 20 years. The tendency for relapses after imprisonment seems to be low; this tendency probably decreases spontaneously in older age. The mean age of arsonists with aggressive motives is a little below 30 years, those setting fire with suicidal motives have a mean age of 35, deluded arsonists have a mean age of 40 years. Concrete sexual motives are relatively rare. Approximately 50% of arsonists have a purely aggressive motive. Retaliation is a rare cause, however, since most of them do not even know the victims. One third of these persons set the fire in their own homes. Most arsonists show a personality disorder, with insecurity and narcissism predominating. Data on firesetting are to be treated with caution, since two thirds of all cases are newer resolved; one fourth of cases concern minors, and in Central Europe arsonists with rational motives are hardly ever referred to psychiatrists.
The crucial importance of economic, social and political factors in the definition and incidence of crime is undeniable, as is the need for socio-political change, but the part played by individual characteristics in determining who becomes labelled a criminal should not be neglected. Clinical criminology studies offenders as individuals, examines their peculiarities and their social problems and seeks ways to help them to lead less troubled lives. A wide range of treatment interventions is required, the psychiatric approach is not always the most appropriate. In view of the lack of success in reducing recidivism by means of treatment, penologists see little justification for continuing to try. More successes might be recognized if treatment schemes were applied with greater realism and discrimination, and if proper evaluations were made more often. In any event, some offenders need treatment regardless of the effect upon their offending behaviour.
This article examines the production of crime and justice field experiments during the 1990s. Data were collected on the characteristics of criminological experiments funded by the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), the principal research agency of the U.S. Department of Justice, during the 10-year period from 1991 through 2000. The analyses find that, whereas the funds available for research and evaluation at the NIJ increased during this period, the number of projects and the amount of funds awarded supporting field experiments declined. The article describes the characteristics of the experiments funded and assesses the extent to which the reduced support can be attributed to the characteristics of NIJ research funding, research topics, researchers, or criminal justice operational agencies.
Describes the method of comparative analysis of various objects in practical medical criminology and making of high-quality photographs with the use of Adobe Photoshop software. Options of the software needed for expert evaluations are enumerated.