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The weakening link between marriage and the care of children.

Over the last 20 years, the proportion of births that occur to unmarried women has increased dramatically, children are now much more likely to experience the breakup of their parents' marriage, and a much greater proportion of children live at least part of their childhood with only one parent. These changes have occurred predominantly among nonwhites and low-income women and children, but have occurred among whites and higher income women as well. Since these changes have done well-documented damage to children's socioeconomic conditions and prospects, an important issue is whether we can improve children's well-being by strengthening the link between marriage and child care. For a number of reasons, however--cultural, political and economic--the role of public policy is limited. Nevertheless, stronger public support is possible for people who wish to marry or stay married, but who lack the resources to do so. In a nation like Japan, child care is left almost entirely to the family, while in Sweden, the state assumes much of the responsibility; the United States seems to occupy a sort of middle ground. It is likely that U.S. social policy will continue to rely on both the family and the state to care for dependent children, a strategy that implies a continuing tension between public acceptance of changes in family life and public sentiment for a return to older ways.

Black or African American↗

The demographic context of recent change in the structure of American households.

This article examines recent changes in the structure of American households within the context of broad population changes. Decreases in married-couple households and increases in single-parent households are almost entirely due to the changing patterns of marriage, divorce, fertility, and child custody; headship rates for families have remained relatively stable. Increases in single-person and other nonfamily households are due to increases in the size of the unmarried, childless population and to the aging of this population. Increasing propensities to live alone or with nonrelatives were observed between 1970 and 1980, but these behavioral changes have abated during the early 1980s.

Adolescent↗

Adolescent marriage and childbearing: the long-term economic outcome, Canada in the 1980s.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the long-term economic outcomes (education, labor force participation, occupation, and income) associated with female adolescent marriage and childbearing. The 1981 Canadian census is the data source for all women in Canada at age 30, controlling for age at marriage and at first birth. The data suggest that women at age 30 in Canada are in the best economic circumstances when they remain single or when they marry at age 20 or older and either remain childless or begin their childbearing at age 25 or older. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Adolescent↗

The effects of the sequencing of marriage and first birth during adolescence.

Whether or not they marry, black adolescent mothers are more likely than whites to attend school following the birth of their first child. Marrying to legitimate a birth reduces the likelihood that a teenager will return to school after childbearing; this impact of marriage is much stronger among black than among white teenagers. The timing of marriage appears to affect school enrollment among white teenagers through its impact on living arrangements. However, the negative impact of marriage on educational achievement does not seem to be a consequence of earlier differences in educational expectations among the teenagers. Teenage mothers appear less likely to separate from their husbands in later years if they marry before the birth than if they marry afterward. Delaying marriage until after the birth has a long-term effect on the probability of separation among white teenage mothers, but has only a short-term impact among blacks. Among teenagers who marry before giving birth, there is little difference in the likelihood of separation between those who marry before becoming pregnant and those who do so afterward. In addition, the effect of the sequence of marriage and first birth among white teenage mothers may have declined in recent years. Adolescent mothers who do not marry before their first birth experience a longer interval between that birth and their second than do those who marry either before or during the pregnancy. These differences are primarily the result of short-term variations in the amount of time they spend married; that is, women who are unmarried when they give birth are less likely to have a second birth soon afterward.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

Adolescent↗

Fertility determinants in Puerto Rico.

This paper examines the proximate determinants of fertility in Puerto Rico using data from a 1982 island-wide study. Contraceptive use was found to be the primary direct determinant of fertility in Puerto Rico, both for the total population and for each level of education studied. Female sterilization is the most prevalent method of contraception used in Puerto Rico at each educational level. Marriage is also important in Puerto Rico and is the only proximate determinant that varies across education groups. Late age at first marriage, in addition to high contraceptive use, accounts for the below-replacement fertility of women who have more than a high school education. In contrast, women who have not completed high school tend to marry early and not practice contraception for birth-spacing purposes. This study shows the advantages of analyzing fertility determinants at the population subgroup level (i.e., women of various educational attainment levels) so that the fertility of the total population can be better understood.

Adolescent↗

Household fertility decisions in West Africa: a comparison of male and female survey results.

This study compares the responses of matched husbands and wives in monogamous and polygynous unions, in the Yoruba village of Bolorunduro in Ondo State, Nigeria, with respect to a variety of family planning and fertility-related attitudes and behaviors. The results suggest that, although the husband and wife responses on the family planning and achieved fertility items were generally similar, responses relating to prospective fertility intentions were very different between husbands and wives. The results are consistent with the notion that fertility intention orientations in this particular culture operate essentially on an individual and not a family level. Women, whether in monogamous or polygynous unions, have fertility preferences that, while normatively bound, are clearly individual preferences and not necessarily related to their husbands' desires.

Adolescent↗

Reproduction in hemophilia.

Patterns of marriage and parenthood were studied in the families of 250 patients with severe hemophilia. The incidence of marriage among adult hemophiliacs was 82.5 percent that of age-matched males of the general United States population, as of 1968. Married hemophiliacs 30 years old or older had an average of 2.1 children each, as of 1971. In the periods 1950-1954 and 1960-1964, the numbers of children sired by hemophiliacs were 25 and 38 percent, respectively, of the numbers expected of age-matched men of the general United States population. This indicates a lesser ability or willingness to have children. The number of additional births to women who were already mothers of hemophiliacs was compared with that expected for women of the general population of the United States, matched for age and parity. In the years 1940 through 1954, the birthrates for the two groups were similar. However, in the years 1955-1968, the birthrate among carriers declined more rapidly than that in the general population. The improved medical treatment of hemophilia has apparently not resulted in a greater willingness of affected persons to transmit the defective gene.

Adolescent↗