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Comparing replacement rates under private and federal retirement systems.

One measure of the adequacy of retirement income is replacement rate - the percentage of pre-retirement salary that is available to a worker in retirement. This article compares salary replacement rates for private-sector employees of medium and large private establishments with those for federal employees under the Civil Service Retirement System and the Federal Employees Retirement System. Because there is no standard benefit formula to represent the variety of formulas available in the private sector, a composite defined benefit formula was developed using the characteristics of plans summarized in the Bureau of Labor Statistics Medium and Large Employer Plan Survey. The resulting "typical" private-sector defined benefit plan, with an accompanying defined contribution plan, was then compared with the two federal systems. The Civil Service Retirement System (CSRS) is a stand-alone defined benefit plan whose participants are not covered by Social Security. Until passage of the 1983 Amendments to Social Security Act, it was the only retirement plan for most federal civilian employees. Provisions of the 1983 Amendments were designed to restore long-term financial stability to the Social Security trust funds. One provision created the Federal Employees Retirement System (FERS), which covers federal employees hired after 1983. It was one of the provisions designed to restore long-term financial stability to the Social Security trust funds. FERS employees contribute to and are covered by Social Security. FERS, which is a defined benefit plan, also includes a basic benefit and a 401(k)-type plan known as the Thrift Savings Plan (TSP). To compare how retirees would fare under the three different retirement systems, benefits of employees retiring at age 65 with 35 years of service were calculated using hypothetical workers with steady earnings. Workers were classified according to a percentage of the average wage in the economy: low earners (45 percent), average earners (100 percent) high earners (160 percent), and maximum earners (earnings at the taxable maximum amount). Overall, this analysis found that: Excluding Social Security benefits and TSP and defined contribution annuities, CSRS retirees have a higher pre-retirement salary replacement rate than either FERS or private-sector retirees. Private-sector retirees, however, have higher replacement rate than their FERS counterparts. Including Social Security benefits but not TSP and defined contribution plan annuities, CSRS retirees who are maximum earners have a higher pre-retirement salary replacement rate (despite receiving no Social Security benefits) than FERS retirees with the same earnings. Private-sector retirees in all earnings categories have a higher replacement rate than federal retirees with the same earnings. Including Social Security and TSP and defined contribution plan annuities, private-sector retirees in all earnings categories have a higher replacement rate than federal retirees, but their rate is close to that of FERS retirees. The rate is higher for FERS retirees than for CSRS retirees in all earnings categories. This analysis shows that replacement creates could exceed 100 percent for FERS employees who contribute who contribute 6 percent of earnings to the TSP over full working career. Private-sector replacement rates were quite similar for those with both a defined benefit and a defined contribution pension plan. Social Security replacement rates make up the highest proportion of benefits for th private sector's lowest income quartile group. The replacement rate for 401(k) plans and the TSP account for a higher proportion of benefits than does Social Security for all other income groups, assuming the absence of a defined benefit plan.

Actuarial Analysis↗

Public and private patients in Jerusalem hospitals: who operates on whom?

BACKGROUND: Debate continues in Israel as to whether to allow patients in public hospitals to choose their physician in return for an additional, out-of-pocket payment. One argument against this arrangement is that the most senior physicians will devote most of their time to private patients and not be sufficiently available to public patients with complex cases. OBJECTIVES: To analyze the patterns of surgical seniority in Jerusalem hospitals from a number of perspectives, including the extent to which: a) opting for private care increases the likelihood of being treated by a very senior surgeon; b) public patients undergoing complex operations are being treated by very senior surgeons, c) the most senior surgeons allocate a significant portion of their time to private patients. METHODS: Demographic and clinical data were retrieved from the operating room records of three of the public hospitals in Jerusalem for all 38,840 operations performed in 2001. Of them, roughly 6000 (16%) were performed privately. Operations were classified as "most complex," "moderately complex" and "least complex" by averaging the independent ratings of eight medical and surgical experts. The surgeon's seniority was graded as "tenured" (tenured board-certified specialists, including department heads), "senior" (non-tenured board-certified specialists), and "residents." For each operation, we considered the seniority of the lead surgeon and of the most senior surgeon on the surgical team. RESULTS: The lead surgeon was of tenured rank in 99% of the most complex private cases and 74% of the most complex public cases, in 93% of the moderately complex private and 35% of the moderately complex public cases, and in 92% of the least complex private and 32% of the least complex public cases. The surgical team included a tenured physician in 97%, 66%, and 53% of the most complex, moderately complex, and least complex public operations, respectively. In both private and public cases, a board-certified (tenured or senior) specialist was a member of the surgical team for almost all of the most complex and moderately complex operations. On average, over half of the operations in which the lead surgeon was a department head were performed on public patients. Among tenured surgeons, those who spent more hours than their colleagues leading private operations also tended, on average, to spend more hours leading public operations. CONCLUSIONS: Private patients have an advantage over public patients in terms of the seniority of the lead surgeon. However, there is also substantial involvement of very senior surgeons in the treatment of public patients, particularly in those cases that are most complex.

Decision Making↗

Private practice in the United Kingdom: a growing concern.

During the past decade private medical insurance in the United Kingdom grew first rapidly and then steadily. Once almost entirely non-profit, half the private beds and 10% of the private insurance market are now in the for-profit sector. Apart from abortions, cold or elective surgery is the chief private sector service. Average annual consultant income from private practice is now approximately 19,000 pounds sterling. Recent growth of the private sector has been fanned by the present Conservative government's support of privatization generally, by limited levels of National Health Service (NHS) funding, and by vigorous advertising by private insurance companies which plays on the concerns of British consumers. The private medical sector is largely unregulated. Present government policies make its reduction or elimination unlikely. To make it possible for the public sector to compete more equally, a strategy which requires the same levels of regulations, quality assurance, accountability and public scrutiny for the private sector and the NHS is proposed.

Adolescent↗

Growth of private medicine in Sweden: the new diversity and the new challenge.

The growth of private medical care in Sweden has occurred despite the lack of overt encouragement by the long-term Social Democrat government. This can be documented from official government statistics, private insurance sales, media sources, membership growth in the private doctors association, purchase of private risk insurance, growth of private health care organizations and services, and particularly an increase in public sector private contracting. While the percent of the population with private insurance is close to 1%, it is probable that over 20% of physicians engage in some form of private practice. Explanations range from increasing criticism of poor service orientation in the public system, long waiting lists and the reduced rate of public spending, to a general atmosphere that asserts more individual choice. With the Social Democrats now out of power, it is likely that the Moderate coalition will officially promote some forms of privatization. What will be the impact on the long-cherished Swedish principle of equity?

Advertising↗

Private health care in Britain.

Private medicine has been growing rapidly in Great Britian, a trend the author says indicates dissatisfaction with the National Health Service (NHS). Spivak notes that even when free medical treatment is available, citizens will pay for a private room, quicker treatment, and the chance to choose their own physicians and hospitals. Membership in private health plans has increased 15 fold since the inception of NHS 30 years ago. These plans are adding over 100,000 members a year so that the private sector now accounts for about $550 million, or 2-3% of Britian's annual outlay on medical care. The author attributes this trend to three factors: (1) private medicine is now generating enough capital to finance a substantial expansion of its own facilities; (2) deterioration in NHS; and (3) the low price of private health plans. Critics of private health care have described it as an alternative restricted to the affluent; the author counters that private plans are beginning to enroll blue-collar workers for the first time. He cites the opinions of experts who foresee the private sector covering for NHS shortcomings in non-emergency care until a full-fledged partnership develops. Spivak concludes by pointing to a conservative plan, now in its early stages, to promote a move in this direction. Whether or not this scheme comes to fruition, he adds, private medicine is beginning to flourish in a socialized system.

Appointments and Schedules↗

[The development of private hospital in modern Korea, 1885-1960].

Modern hospital in Korea was the space of competition and comprise among different forces such as the state power and social forces, imperialism and nationalism, and the traditional and modern medicine. Hospital in the Japanese colonialism was the object of control for establishing the colonial medical system. Japanese colonialism controlled not only the public hospital but also the private hospital which had to possess more than 10 infectious beds in the isolation building by the Controlling Regulation of Private Hospital. In fact, the private hospital had to possess more than 20 beds for hospital management. As a result, its regulation prevented the independent development of the private hospital. But because the public hospital could not accommodate many graduates of medical school, most of them had to serve as practitioner. Although some practitioners had more than 20 beds in their clinics, they were not officially included in the imperial medicine. By concentrating on the trend of the number of beds in the hospital, this paper differs from most previous studies of the system of hospital, which have argued that the system of hospital was converted the public-centered hospital system under the colonial medical system into the private-centered hospital system under the U. S. medical system after the Liberation in 1945. After Liberation, medical reformers discussed arranging the public and the private hospital. Lee Yong-seol, who was a Health-Welfare minister, disagreed the introduction of the system of state medicine. Worrying about the flooding of practitioners, he did not want to intervene the construction of hospital by state power. Because the private hospital run short of the medical leadership and the fundamental basis, the state still controlled the main disease in the public health and the prevention of epidemics. This means the state also played important part in the general medical examination and treatment. The outbreak of Korean War in 1950 reinforced the role of state. The leadership of the public hospital verified the trend of the quantity of beds. The number of beds in the private hospital exceeded that of the public hospital in 1966 for the first time. Futhermore, the number of beds in the public hospital doubled that of private hospital in the new general hospital of 1950s. This means the system of hospital after the Liberation was not converted the public-centered hospital system into the private-centered hospital system, but maintained the public-centered hospital system until 1960s.

Colonialism↗

Private medicine and the privatisation of health care in South Africa.

Health services in the Republic of South Africa (RSA) are provided by a mixture of public and private providers and institutions. Estimates of total health-related expenditure for 1985 range between 5.3% and 5.9% of gross national product (GNP), divided on approximately a 55:45 basis between public and private sectors. Basic preventive and curative services are provided by a hospital- and clinic-based public system. The public system does not adequately serve the rural areas and African tribal bantustans, and racial discrimination and/or segregation are obvious in its organisation and funding. The public sector's strength is the provision of state-subsidised care to many citizens who are unable to afford private medicine. The vast majority of hospitals are operated on a non-profit basis by government, industries, and voluntary agencies. Excluding hospitals that receive state subsidies, private investor-owned hospitals control about 10% of all hospital beds in the RSA. One-third of these investor-owned beds are held by state-dependent contractors providing long-term care. Two-thirds are wholly independent. Growth has been rapid in the independent hospital sector, and major corporations have entered the market. In 1985, over 85% of the white population was privately insured by a variety of prepayment programmes, including those organised through parastatal corporations and government departments. Despite major enrollment growth in the preceding decade, only 8% of blacks held private insurance by 1985; their coverage also tended to be less comprehensive. Faced with deficit financing, a sluggish economy, complaints from its white constituency about taxation levels, and pressure from private sector interest groups, the Nationalist government has endorsed the concept of privatisation of health care. Exponents of privatisation claim that it will permit differentiation by income to supplant discrimination by race. However, the direct links between disposable income and race, the rapidly rising costs of private insurance, and the still-limited extent of private coverage among the black majority, indicate that privatisation is likely to co-opt a comparatively small proportion of the total black population. It may exacerbate the urban-rural imbalance in health status and health services, promote growth of hospital-intensive curative services rather than needed expansion of community-centred preventive and primary care, and create financial barriers to access for low-income patients.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Health Services Administration↗

Does increased use of private health care reduce the demand for NHS care? A prospective survey of general practice referrals.

BACKGROUND: The use of the private sector for health care is increasing, but it is unclear whether this will reduce demand on the NHS. The aim of this study was to examine the relationship between private and NHS outpatient referral rates accounting for their association with deprivation. METHODS: This is a prospective survey of general practitioner referrals to private and NHS consultant-led services between 1 January and 31 December 2001 from 10 general practices in the Trent Focus Collaborative Research Network, United Kingdom. Patient referrals were aggregated to give private and NHS referral rates for each electoral ward in each practice. RESULTS: Of 17,137 referrals, 90.4 percent (15,495) were to the NHS and 9.6 percent (1642) to the private sector. Private referral rates were lower in patients from the most deprived fifth of wards compared with the least deprived fifth (rate ratio 0.25, 95 percent CI 0.15 to 0.41, p < 0.001), whereas NHS referral rates were slightly higher in patients in the most deprived fifth of wards (rate ratio 1.18, 95 percent CI 0.98 to 1.42, p = 0.08) both after age standardisation and adjustment for practice. The NHS referral rate was significantly higher (rate ratio 1.40, 95 percent CI 1.15 to 1.71, p = 0.001) in wards with private referral rates in the top fifth compared with the bottom fifth after adjustment for deprivation and practice. CONCLUSIONS: Increased private health care activity does not reduce the demand for NHS care: NHS and private referral rates were positively associated with each other after adjusting for age, deprivation and practice.

Adolescent↗

The illegality of private health care in Canada.

We addressed the question of whether private health care is illegal in Canada by surveying the health insurance legislation of all 10 provinces. Our survey revealed multiple layers of regulation that seem to have as their primary objective preventing the public sector from subsidizing the private sector, as opposed to rendering privately funded practice illegal. Private insurance for medically necessary hospital and physician services is illegal in only 6 of the 10 provinces. Nonetheless, a significant private sector has not developed in any of the 4 provinces that do permit private insurance coverage. The absence of a significant private sector is probably best explained by the prohibitions on the subsidy of private practice by public plans, measures that prevent physicians from topping up their public sector incomes with private fees.

Canada↗

A history of private psychiatric hospitals in the USA: from start to almost finished.

There has been no comprehensive history of the scope and roles of private psychiatric hospitals in the USA. This paper documents the origins, functions, support, and contributions of private psychiatric hospitals from their beginnings in the eighteenth century through 2003. An interesting feature of nineteenth century psychiatry was the interplay between private and public institutions which reveals a pattern of the public purchase of private beds that is conceptually much like what we have today. From the early twentieth century through 1970, advancements in somatic treatments, new ways of using the hospital milieu, the introduction of antipsychotic medications, the shift from institution-based to noninstitution-based loci of acute and long-term treatment and care, the beginnings of day hospitals and a shortage of psychiatrists and nurses, all impacted upon the private psychiatric hospital. While the private psychiatric hospitals expanded in number and in responsibilities during these decades, at the end of the 1960's their future was a matter of serious debate. A comprehension of the history of the private psychiatric hospital since 1970 is based on an understanding of the impact of for-profit hospital chains, managed care, the privatization of traditionally public services, the requirement for "treatment in the least restrictive alternative," further erosion of the use of any form of inpatient treatment, and an overall decrease in expenditures for mental health services. The future of the private psychiatric hospital may well be based on its ability both to maintain its traditional, patient-centered approach and to create innovative, effective, efficient, novel systems of care and treatment.

History, 18th Century↗

Private medical services in the Italian public hospitals: the case for improving HRM.

This study explores how Italian public hospitals can use private medical activities run by their employed physicians as a human resources management (HRM) tool. It is based on field research in two acute-care hospitals and a review of Italian literature and laws. The Italian National Health Service (NHS) allows employed physicians to run private, patient-funded activities ("private beds", surgical operations, hospital outpatient clinics, etc.). Basic regulation is set at the national level, but it can be greatly improved at the hospital level. Private activities, if poorly managed, can damage efficiency, equity, quality of care, and public trust in the NHS. On the other hand, hospitals can also use them as leverage to improve HRM, with special attention to three issues: (1) professional evaluation, development, and training; (2) compensation policies; (3) competition for, and retention of, professionals in short supply. The two case studies presented here show great differences between the two hospitals in terms of regulation and organizational solutions that have been adopted to deal with such activities. However, in both hospitals, private activities do not seem to benefit HRM. Private activities are not systematically considered in compensation policies. Moreover, private revenues are strongly concentrated in a few physicians. Hospitals use very little of the information provided by the private activities to improve knowledge management, career development, or training planning. Finally, hospitals do not use private activities management as a tool for competing in the labor market for health professionals who are in short supply.

Health Services↗

Viewpoint: management of malaria--working with the private sector.

Recent reviews have demonstrated that a substantial proportion of cases of malaria are managed in the private sector, and international policy initiatives routinely emphasize the need for malaria control programmes to collaborate with the private sector. However, information on how to develop successful partnerships between the public and private sectors remains limited. This paper reviews the current knowledge about the management of malaria by private providers, considers the potential of different strategies for influencing the quality of care provided, and identifies processes for facilitating public-private sector collaborations. We contend that public sector-led interventions, such as training of private providers or the distribution of prepackaged antimalarials through the private sector, are unlikely to scale up to sustainable national level programmes if they do not take into account a wide range of needs and concerns, represented by private provider organizations and other interest groups, including service users. These groups should be involved at key stages including the design and piloting of interventions, through to the dissemination and implementation of findings. Research priorities are outlined for the development of tools to facilitate public-private partnerships for improving the management of malaria.

Antimalarials↗

The funding of private hospitals in Australia.

Private hospitals are an essential component of Australia's complex mix of public and private health funding and provision. Private hospitals account for 34.3 per cent of all hospital separations, and over half (56.2%) of all same-day separations. The revenue (funding) of the sector approached $4 billion by 1998/99, and as a result of its recent rapid growth capital expenditure in the sector was nearly $550 million in the same year. Private casemix of private hospitals is distinctive, and characterised by a high proportion of surgical procedures in general (48.1 per cent), and more than a majority of all services in such areas as rehabilitation, orthopaedics (shoulder, knee, spinal fusion, and hand surgery), alcohol disorders, same day colonoscopy and sleep disorders. This chapter synthesizes data from a multitude of sources to produce a comprehensive picture of Australia's private hospital sector and its funding. It examines the funding (revenue) sources of private hospitals, and considers how and why private hospitals approach the issue of funding from a different perspective than their public sector colleagues. To illustrate how Australian private hospitals approach revenue (funding) strategically, a series of indicative types of hospitals is explored.

Australia↗

The quality of private and public primary health care management of children with diarrhoea and acute respiratory infections in Tlaxcala, Mexico.

In Tlaxcala, Mexico, 80% of the children who died from diarrhoea or acute respiratory infections (ARI) in 1992-1993 received medical care; in more than 70% of cases it was provided by a private general practitioner (GP). The present study evaluated the quality of case management by private and public GPs to children under five years of age with diarrhoea and ARI. During the clinical observation, the treatment and counselling given to the mother were assessed with the WHO guidelines as reference standard. A total of 41 private and 40 public GPs were evaluated for the management of diarrhoea, and 59 private and 40 public GPs for the management of ARI. For diarrhoea, half of the private GPs gave inadequate rehydration therapy, 63% gave incorrect advice on diet, 66% and 49% made an incorrect correct decision in the prescription of antimicrobial and symptomatic drugs, respectively. Public GPs generally performed better in diarrhoea management: 7% gave inadequate rehydration therapy, 13% gave wrong advice on diet, 3% made a wrong decision in the prescription of symptomatic drugs and 28% gave a wrong decision in antimicrobial prescription. In the management of ARI, 66% and 58% of private GPs made a wrong decision in the prescription of antimicrobial and symptomatic drugs, respectively, compared to 30% and 20% of public GPs, respectively. Counselling to the mother given by both private and public GPs was considered inadequate in most cases of diarrhoea and ARI. These results clearly show that private doctors, as important providers of medical care, need to be included in the strategies to improve the quality of care of children with diarrhoea and ARI. Future research needs to address the determinants of the clinical practice of private doctors in countries like Mexico.

Child↗

Characteristics of private medical practice in India: a provider perspective.

Supply factors, depicted by input market conditions and government regulations, and demand factors, depicted by financing mechanisms and utilization patterns, are likely to determine the shape and character of private medical practice. The interaction of this complex set of factors will have considerable implications for the cost access and quality of services offered by this sector. Understanding these characteristics from a provider perspective is imperative to influence the behaviour of providers in this sector. This paper describes some of the important characteristics of private medical practice using a case study of an urban district in India, Ahmedabad, and analyzes their implications. Using survey data of 130 private doctors in the allopathic system, the paper describes broad characteristics of private medical practice using parameters such as growth of private practice, patient load and referrals within the sector, payment methods and determinants, patient concerns, and risks associated with private practice. The paper presents views on the prevalence of various undesirable practices in the private medical sector. It also discusses the awareness of providers about selected important regulations. The findings suggest that growing capital intensity due to cost of location, medical equipment and technology, and financial sources of capital investments are some unfavourable environmental factors experienced by private providers. The findings also indicate a high prevalence of various undesirable practices and low awareness of the objectives of important legislation among practicing doctors. Lack of awareness of important and relevant legislation raises serious questions about the implementation of these laws. The paper identifies the strong need for instituting and implementing an effective continuing medical education programme for practicing doctors, and linking it with their registration and continuation of their license to practice. The paper also suggests that cost of health care, access and quality problems will worsen with the growth of the private sector. The public policy response to check some of the undesirable consequences of this growth is critical and should focus on strengthening the existing institutional mechanisms to protect patients, developing and implementing an appropriate regulatory framework and strengthening the public health care delivery system. The study also discusses various other policy implications arising.

Attitude of Health Personnel↗

Working with the private sector for child health.

Private sector providers are the most commonly consulted source of care for child illnesses in many countries, offering significant opportunities to expand the reach of essential child health services and products. Yet collaboration with private providers presents major challenges - the suitability and quality of the services they provide is often questionable and governments' capacity to regulate them is limited. This article assesses the actual and potential contributions of the private sector to child health, and classifies and evaluates public sector strategies to promote and rationalize the contributions of private sector actors. Governments and international organizations can use a variety of strategies to collaborate with and influence private sector actors to improve child health - including contracting, regulating, financing and social marketing, training, coordinating and informing the public. These mutually reinforcing strategies can both improve the quality of services currently delivered in the private sector, and expand and rationalize the coverage of these services. One lesson from this review is that the private sector is very heterogeneous. At the country level, feasible strategies depend on the potential of the different components of the private sector and the capacity of governments and their partners for collaboration. To date, experience with private sector strategies offers considerable promise for children's health, but also raises many questions about the feasibility and impact of these strategies. Where possible, future interventions should be designed as experiments, with careful assessment of the intervention design and the environment in which they are implemented.

Child Health Services↗

The privatization of health care in Europe: an eight-country analysis.

This article presents an analysis of recent changes in the public-private mix in health care in eight European countries. The leading question is to what extent a process of privatization in health care can be observed. The framework for the analysis of privatization draws on the idea that there are multiple public/private boundaries in health care. The overall picture that emerges from our analysis is diverse, but there is evidence that health care in Europe has become somewhat more private. The growth of the public fraction in health care spending has come to an end since the 1980s, and in a few countries the private fraction even increased substantially. We also found some evidence for a shift from public to private in health care provision. Furthermore, there are signs of privatization in health care management and operations, as well as investments. Specific attention is spent on the identification of factors that push privatization forward and factors that work as a barrier to privatization.

Delivery of Health Care↗

Comparison of preventive care in Medicaid managed care and Medicaid fee for service in institutions and private practices.

OBJECTIVE: To compare preventive screening for children in Medicaid managed care (MMC) with children in Medicaid fee for service (M-FFS) in private and institutional settings. METHODS: The sample included randomly selected institutions and private practice physicians in New York City. Within setting, children in MMC and M-FFS were sampled randomly and charts reviewed for immunizations and lead and anemia screening. RESULTS: In both institutions and private practices, children enrolled in MMC appeared more likely to be up-to-date than their M-FFS counterparts for immunizations (institution, P <.01; private practice, P <.05), lead screening (institution, P <.01; private practice, P <.01), and anemia screening (institution, P <.01; private practice, P <.01). However, children in MMC had more visits (P <.01) and were followed up for a longer time (P <.01). After controlling for these variables, effects of MMC diminished and only remained significant for screening among private physicians. When considering 10 different attributes of managed care plans, no clear pattern of association with better preventive care services was observed. CONCLUSION: The positive effect of managed care on preventive care services was largely explained by more visits and longer follow-up time; however, there were differences between institutions and private practices, with enrollment in MMC associated with some positive effect on screenings in private practices.

Cross-Sectional Studies↗