Linguistic and nonlinguistic processing of narratives in aphasia.
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Language recovery in aphasic patients who received one of three types of speech and language treatment was compared with that in aphasic patients who received no treatment. One hundred aphasic patients were followed from 2 to 4 weeks postonset for 1 year or until recovery, using a standardized test battery administered at systematic intervals. Both treatment methods provided by trained speech-language pathologists were efficacious, while the method provided by trained nonprofessionals approached statistical significance. Small group size prevented resolution of the question of whether one type of treatment was superior to another.
A group of five anterior and seven posterior aphasic patients were recorded for their vowel productions of the nine nondipthong vowels of American English and compared to a group of seven normal speakers. All phonemic substitutions were eliminated from the data base. A Linear Predictive Coding (LPC) computer program was used to extract the first and the second formant frequencies at the midpoint of the vowel for each of the remaining repetitions of the nine vowels. The vowel duration and the fundamental frequency of phonation were also measured. Although there were no significant differences in the formant frequency means across groups, there were significantly larger standard deviations for the aphasic groups compared to normals. Anterior aphasics were not significantly different from posterior aphasics with respect to this greater formant variability. There was a main effect for vowel duration means, but no individual group was significantly different from the other. Standard deviations of duration were significantly greater for the anterior aphasics compared to normal speakers, but not significantly different from posterior aphasics. Posterior aphasics did not have significantly greater standard deviations of duration than did normal subjects. Greater acoustic variability was considered to evidence a phonetic production deficit on the part of both groups of aphasic speakers, in the context of fairly well-preserved phonemic organization for vowels.
Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics' ability to process passive sentences in the absence of semantic cues was investigated in an experiment which varies syntactic complexity and word order. The results indicate that Broca and Wernicke patients use different strategies for sentence comprehension. Wernicke patients use rather general strategies for interpretation, which assign syntactic function according to sequential arrangements of words. Broca's aphasics, by contrast, base their interpretation on specific structural elements of the sentence's surface form, without, however, being able to exploit the full syntactic information of these elements. The different strategies are interpreted to reflect differential underlying deficits.
Wernicke's and Broca's aphasics performed a lexical decision task wherein they had to decide whether the third word of an auditorily presented triplet series of words was "real" or not. The first and third words of each triplet were related to one, both, or neither meaning of the second word which was semantically ambiguous. The performance pattern of the Wernicke's aphasics was similar to that of normals. They showed selective access to different meanings of the ambiguous words, as demonstrated by the fact that the context provided by the first word affected semantic facilitation on the third word. In contrast, Broca's aphasics showed no semantic facilitation in any priming condition. These results are consistent with previous findings, suggesting that semantic representations may be largely spared in Wernicke's aphasics. The failure of the Broca's aphasics to demonstrate facilitation is consistent with the view that they have a processing deficit in automatically accessing the lexical representation of words.
Broca's aphasics and normal controls were tested to determine relative sparing and impairment of word order, grammatical morphology, and semantic information in a sentence interpretation task. Patients were native speakers of English, German, or Italian, languages that vary drastically in the "cue validity" or information value of these three sources of information. Word order was selectively spared while grammatical morphology was selectively impaired in all three languages. Nevertheless, language-specific patterns of sentence interpretation remained in Broca's aphasics, even within the impaired morphological component, supporting an interpretation in terms of "accessing" rather than a "loss." Testing with Wernicke's aphasics, anomics, and some additional age-matched controls suggested that the selective vulnerability of morphology is not specific to agrammatic patients, at least in this paradigm.
The purpose of this study was to determine whether patients with focal brain damage can learn anything about a new word, and if so, whether selected aspects of the new word are acquired depending on the nature of the patient's language processing deficit. In the context of drawing pictures with a number of felt pens identical in all respects except color, agrammatic Broca's aphasics and fluent aphasics were exposed to the new word "bice," an adjective referring to the dark green portion of the color spectrum. Our findings revealed that brain-damaged patients can engage in lexical acquisition, but Broca's aphasics and fluent aphasics apparently learn about different aspects of the new word. Specifically, on successive exposures to "bice," both Broca's aphasics and fluent aphasics exhibit progressively more accurate hypotheses for identifying a bice-colored object. During subsequent assessments, agrammatic aphasics reveal on a metalinguistic judgment task their significant difficulty appreciating the grammatical form class of "bice"; on an object classification task, fluent aphasics are significantly impaired in their classification of bice-colored objects as "bice." Taken together, these unique word-learning profiles reinforce earlier observation on the selective nature of language processing deficits after focal left-hemisphere insult, and support the claim that separate language processing devices may be selectively compromised in different groups of aphasics. The relationship between syntactic and lexical semantic processing is discussed.
Studies of language production in English-speaking aphasics (both fluent and nonfluent) generally lead to the conclusion that word order is preserved to a much greater degree than grammatical morphology and/or lexical retrieval. However, because word order is rigidly preserved even in normal English speech, this pattern might reflect nothing more than "the weak link in the chain." Using a constrained production paradigm, we provide evidence showing that canonical sentence order is well preserved in both fluent and nonfluent patients, in Italian and German (languages that permit much more pragmatic word-order variation) as well as English. Patients also retain the ability to order nouns around a preposition, and among Italian patients, access to a high-frequency form of pragmatic word-order variation is also retained. Syntactic difficulties seem to revolve not around loss of ordering principles, but (1) reduction in syntactic complexity, (2) overuse of canonical word order as a "safe harbor," (3) blend errors in which a form appears in legal but semantically incorrect position, and (4) abandonment of the effort to produce a complete sentence under stressful conditions. We offer a redefinition of syntactic impairment as a problem in the access of phrase structure types, resulting in a preference for higher frequency forms. Parallels between lexical retrieval and phrase structure retrieval suggest that similar mechanisms may be at work in both cases.
Eighteen aphasic patients (8 Broca's and 10 Wernicke's aphasics), 11 right hemisphere damaged patients and 12 normal subjects were tested to assess the effect of pictorial context on verbal memory with a sentence recognition task. The subjects were read aloud a stimulus sentence describing a simple event and simultaneously shown a picture congruent or incongruent with the sentence. Immediately following or after an interval of 30 sec, the subjects were read aloud a second sentence and asked to judge whether this sentence was the same or different from the stimulus sentence. The results indicated that verbal memory was better retained in supportive situations than in distracting situations, and that this contextual effect was greater in aphasic patients than in any of the other groups. Verbal memory declined rapidly after an interval in aphasic patients, but not in normal subjects. The Broca's and the Wernicke's aphasics demonstrated different performance patterns when semantic analysis of sentences was critical.
This study explored the relationship between on-line processing of phonological information and lexical access in aphasic patients. A lexical decision paradigm was used in which subjects were presented auditorily with pairs of words or word-like stimuli and were asked to make a lexical decision about the second stimulus in the pair. The initial phonemes of the first word primes, which were semantically related to the real word targets, were systematically changed by one or more than one phonetic feature, e.g., cat-dog, gat-dog, wat-dog. Each of these priming conditions was compared to an unrelated word baseline condition, e.g., nurse-dog. Previous work with normals showed that even a nonword stimulus receives a lexical interpretation if it shares a sufficient number of phonetic features with an actual word in the listener's lexicon. Results indicated a monotonically decreasing degree of facilitation as a function of phonological distortion. In contrast, fluent aphasics showed priming in all phonological distortion conditions relative to the unrelated word baseline. Nonfluent aphasics showed priming only in the undistorted, related word condition relative to the unrelated word baseline. Nevertheless, in a secondary task requiring patients to make a lexical decision on the nonword primes presented singly, all aphasics showed phonological feature sensitivity. These results suggest deficits for aphasic patients in the various processes contributing to lexical access, rather than impairments at the level of lexical organization or phonological organization.
The present study investigated moderately impaired aphasic subjects' ability to integrate information across sentences by having them identify antecedents for ambiguous pronouns in brief narratives. In order to disambiguate the pronouns, the subjects had to consult either textual cues and/or extratextual cues. In addition, the subjects' ability to retrieve factual information was measured by having them identify explicitly stated noun referents. The results show that the aphasic subjects had significant difficulty using textual cues to resolve referents when the referents were not readily accessible through world knowledge. The patients had little difficulty interpreting referents which were recoverable from world knowledge or were stated explicitly. The explanatory power of world knowledge effects, grammatical class effects, memory effects, and linguistic integration effects in accounting for the deficit pattern observed is considered.
This study investigated the effects of two types of cues (semantic and phonemic) and two grammatic classes (noun and verb) on cueing responsiveness. Subjects consisted of 10 Broca's, 10 Wernicke's, 8 conduction, and 8 anomic aphasics. Cues were administered following failure to name on confrontation. Responsiveness to the two types of cues was dependent on aphasic type and grammatic class. Broca's and conduction aphasics responded better to phonemic cueing, while anomic aphasics were more responsive to semantic cueing. With regard to grammatic class, aphasics responded better to phonemic cueing on nouns; however, no significant difference between types of cues was demonstrated on verbs. Neuropsychological implications for the cueing and naming processes are discussed.
When an aphasic is unable to name an object, giving the patient the opening sounds of the target name will often trigger the correct response. Eighteen aphasic subjects were tested using a gating paradigm to compare word onset durations necessary to elicit correct names after an initial naming failure with those necessary for recognizing the same words when spoken in isolation with no picture present. Prerecognition errors were also examined. Results suggested that the facilitation of naming found when examiners supply word-onset sound cues may be due in part to a two-stage process consisting of stem-completion followed by matching the picture with the potential name as generated.
In this study of auditory prestimulation cues, picture naming performances under phonemic and semantic conditions were compared to picture naming performance under a neutral condition. Twenty aphasic subjects named 324 pictures (108 pictures x 3 conditions) each. Responses were scored using a coding system adapted by the investigator from classification systems used by Williams and Canter (1982) and Kohn and Goodglass (1985). Results indicated that naming accuracy was facilitated by phonemic and semantic cues. An examination of the distribution of errors under the three conditions revealed systematic effects of phonemic and semantic cues on the frequency of occurrence of specific error types. Increases in semantic paraphasia proportion scores and decreases in unrelated word error proportion scores were associated with the semantic condition, while increases in phonemic paraphasia proportion scores were associated with the phonemic condition. The finding that naming performance of aphasic adults varies as a function of the type of information provided by the cue is discussed in relation to cascade visual confrontation naming models.
The production and comprehension of pantomimed movements by asphasic subjects were studied with respect to their relationship to the aphasic deficit on one hand and apraxia on the other. At issue was whether impaired use of pantomime is a manifestation of reduced symbolic capacity or purely a manifestation of an apraxic impairment of purposeful movement or both. Tests of pantomime included a Pantomime Recognition Test, a nonverbal Transitive Pantomime Production Test, and an Intransitive Pantomime Production Test (to oral command). Imitation of Nonmeaningful Movements served as a measure of apraxia, uncontaminated by symbolic or linguistic factors. Imitation of Meaningful Movements taken from the pantomime tasks was also tested. Independent measures of auditory comprehension, picture naming, and reading comprehension were used as indices of language impairment. Intellectual function was measured by the Performance scale of the WAIS. Thirty aphasic subjects were examined. Twenty healthy age-matched normals served to establish scoring standards for the pantomime tests. Multiple regression analysis revealed significant, independent contributions from both auditory comprehension and imitation of Nonmeaningful Movements to all of the tests of pantomime production and pantomime recognition. All measures of pantomime production and pantomime recognition were strongly intercorrelated. While the three language measures were strongly correlated with each other, auditory comprehension was the only one of them that was significantly and consistently related to the pantomime tests. None was related to the imitation of nonmeaningful movement. The results are taken as indicating (1) that pantomime production and imitation share common factors with both praxis and auditory comprehension; (2) apraxia entails impairment of both production and interpretation of purposeful movements. Possible theoretical accounts for these results are offered.
A battery of nine auditory comprehension test, taken by seventy aphasics, was subjected to a factor analysis. Two factors, interpretable respectively as a lexical semantic and a syntactic comprehension factor, were obtained. Comprehension described in terms of these factors was found to be related to criterion variables of importance, namely the Token Test and a rating of comprehension in daily life. Broca's aphasics were found to be more impaired in syntactic than in lexical semantic comprehension; Wernicke patients tended to have low scores on both factors. The results of this study support the view of independent lexically based and syntactic processing in auditory comprehension which can be differentially disrupted by brain damage.
The hemispheric alpha asymmetries of a group of normal males, a group of normal females and a group of aphasic patients (fluent and dysfluent) were examined with electroencephalographic (EEG) techniques during the presentation of sentencial information (which the subjects were to repeat following presentation of each sentence) and connected verbal discourse (which the subjects were required to answer questions about following presentation). Results demonstrated both fluent and nonfluent aphasic patients to show less alpha in the right hemisphere contrasted with both normal groups who demonstrated less alpha in the left hemisphere. Results are discussed in relation to the contribution of right hemispheric information processing strategies in language recovery in aphasic patients.
The present study evaluates an explanation of agrammatism that involves the conceptual distinction between nouns and predicative terms. It was argued that the degraded production of verbs relative to nouns that is characteristic of agrammatic speech reflects a selective disruption in the mental representation of predicative concepts. The data from a sorting task were consistent with a set of experimental predictions derived from this explanation and suggest that a satisfactory explanation of agrammatism should involve semantic variables in addition to syntactic ones.