Search PubMed⌕ Search

SEARCH · Search PubMed

Results for “Marriage”

Search indexed PubMed citations on genomics, clinical trials, systematic reviews and public health. Explore titles, authors and supplied subject terms, then open the PubMed record.

Quote a phrase for an exact phrase match. Source license links do not imply unrestricted reuse.

At least 145 records · Page 8Linked to original sources
PubMed1996

Biosocial perspective of consanguineous marriages in rural and urban Swat, Pakistan.

Consanguineous marriages in two population samples, one rural and one urban, from Swat (Pakistan) were studied. The frequency of consanguineous marriages was found to be 37.13% and 31.11%, and mean inbreeding coefficients were calculated as 0.0168 and 0.0162, for the rural and urban populations respectively. The most frequent type of marriage was between first cousins, in both samples. Among first cousin marriages, those with father's brother's daughter were predominant. Mean inbreeding coefficient was higher for higher socioeconomic groups in both samples. Differences by ethnic and educational groups were also found. Contrary to previous studies, a significant increase in the incidence of consanguineous marriages over the years has been observed. The incidence of premature mortality was significantly higher only in the offspring of first cousin marriages. Significantly higher incidence of morbidity in the offspring of consanguineous marriages was also observed.

Congenital Abnormalities↗
PubMed2001

Estimates of cousin marriage and mean inbreeding in the United Kingdom from 'birth briefs'.

From 626 ascendant genealogies, known as 'birth briefs', deposited by members of the Society of Genealogists in their London library, rates of consanguineous marriage and coefficients of mean inbreeding (a) of offspring were estimated for cohorts of marriages contracted in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The rate of first cousin marriage in the generation estimated to have married during the 1920s was 0.32%, with no marriages between second cousins. The mean inbreeding coefficient for the offspring of these marriages was estimated as 0.0002. In the previous generation 1.12% of the marriages were between first cousins, and the estimate of mean inbreeding was 0.0007. Comparison with data taken from the published literature suggests that the levels of cousin marriage observed are consistent with a secular decline during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Birth Rate↗
PubMed2006

Migration as a determinant of marriage pattern: preliminary report on consanguinity among Afghans.

Two sample populations, one refugee and one resident, were studied. The frequencies of consanguineous marriages came out to be 49.8%and 55.4%, respectively, for the refugees and the residents. Caste endogamy was dominant both in the residents and the refugees. The mean coefficient of inbreeding was calculated to be 0.0303 for the refugee population and 0.0332 for the resident population samples. First cousin marriage was the dominant type of marriage in both samples; father's brother's daughter (FBD) marriage was more frequent among the refugees while mother's brother's daughter(MBD) marriage was more frequent among the residents. Education has no decreasing effect on the incidence of consanguineous marriages. A significant difference in the pattern of marriages in the refugees is observed after the Saur Revolution of 1979.

Afghanistan↗
PubMed1994

Locus of control of Israeli women during the transition to marriage.

Sixty Israeli women were administered Rotter's (1966) Locus of Control Scale and Zung's (1965) Self-Rating Depression Scale 1 to 2 months prior to their marriages. Six to 8 weeks after they were married, they responded to Spanier's (1976) Dyadic Adjustment Scale and again to the Zung scale. There was a low but significant correlation between externality and depression following marriage. Mean depression scores for the total sample, and for women with internal, medium, and external locus of control (LOC) were significantly lower after marriage. Women with external LOC manifested significantly more change in depression scores before and after marriage and also rated themselves significantly less satisfied with their marriages. Depression prior to marriage was predictive of later marital dissatisfaction, and depression following marriage was highly correlated with concurrent dissatisfaction.

Adult↗
PubMed2005

Timing effects on first marriage: twentieth-century experience in England and Wales and the USA.

Recent substantial declines in first marriage in Western countries have been accompanied by increases in the average age at first marriage. Since the period proportion ever marrying, PEM, is sensitive to cohort tempo changes, the recent fall in the PEM may simply reflect cohort delays in marriage. The importance of timing factors is examined in the light of twentieth-century experience of first marriage in England and Wales and the USA. Using a variant of the Timing Index developed in research on fertility, we measure cohort timing effects for marriage and calculate an adjusted PEM. After examining twentieth-century trends in nuptiality for men and women, we find substantial tempo effects on the period PEM. Adjusted PEM values show a real decline in marriage for cohorts, but that decline is considerably smaller than the one shown by the unadjusted figures. This is especially true for England and Wales, where the decline in marriage was much greater.

Cohort Studies↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Consanguinity, intracommunity and intercommunity marriages in a population sample of Israeli Jews.

BACKGROUND: Changes in the marriage patterns of Israeli Jews have been associated with the mass immigration of Jews from many countries over a relatively short period of time. AIM: This study seeks to document consanguineous, intracommunity and intercommunity marriage patterns, and to observe the changes that have occurred over time, and in relation to the level of education and religiousness. SUBJECT AND METHODS: During 1990-1992, 4388 Jewish women were interviewed after delivery in maternity wards throughout Israel. Demographic information was received, with special emphasis on country of origin, community and consanguinity of the couples and their parents. RESULTS: The consanguinity rate among the couples was 2.3%, including 0.8% first cousin marriages, with the highest consanguinity rate among Eastern Jews (7.1%). The rate of intracommunity marriages was 64% (25% Ashkenazim, 22% Sephardim and 17% Eastern Jews). The rate of intercommunity marriages was lowest among Ashkenazim. It rose with the level of education and inversely to the degree of religiousness. CONCLUSION: Over the past decades there has been a decline in consanguineous and intracommunity marriage rates and an increase in intercommunity marriages. Immigrant and ultraorthodox women tended to marry within the community as opposed to Israeli-born women and those with higher educational level who tended to intermarry with other communities as well.

Consanguinity↗
PubMed1986

A recent survey of consanguineous marriages in Japan.

A survey of consanguineous marriages in Japan was conducted on September 1 in 1983 through questionnaires. The total number of couples studied was 9,225 chosen from six widely different areas of Japan. The rates of first cousin marriages and of total consanguineous marriages for all areas are 1.6% and 3.9%, respectively. The mean inbreeding coefficient is 0.00134 for all areas of Japan. On the other hand, the rate of total consanguineous marriages was ten times higher in Fukue-Shi (7.9%) than in Asahikawa city area (0.78%). The rate of total consanguineous marriages is decreased with the marriage year in Japan, where the rate of first cousin marriages has changed remarkably.

Consanguinity↗
PubMed2005

Levels, correlates, and differences in human, physical, and financial assets brought into marriages by young Guatemalan adults.

This article examines marriage patterns among individuals who participated as children in a nutrition supplementation trial in Guatemala and were followed up in 2002-04, at ages 25-42 years. Of all 1,062 known and alive couples, 735, or 69%, responded fully to the marriage assets questionnaire. Focus of the analysis is on the birth cohorts born prior to 1974, a total of 1,058 intervention participants, among whom four-fifths of men (82%) and of women (78%) were married at the time of the 2002-04 survey. Basic patterns are examined in current marital status, age at first marriage and related milestones, human capital assets brought to marriage (e.g., schooling attainment, cognitive ability, literacy, and pre-marital work experience), and physical assets and savings accounts brought to marriage. Measures of husbands' human capital at marriage are positively correlated with wives' human capital, but are consistently higher. Husbands also bring substantially more physical and financial assets than wives. A number of interesting patterns emerge, including (1) changes in the composition of assets that women bring to marriage from physical to human assets, (2) declining gaps in age and premarital work experience between husbands and wives, and (3) increasing gaps in schooling attainment and cognitive ability between husbands and wives. Given conflicting directions of change in spousal gaps in human, physical and financial assets, their net effect on changes over time in the bargaining power of husbands and wives is uncertain and deserves further investigation.

Adult↗
PubMed2004

Economic analysis of same-sex marriage.

This article applies the neoclassical microeconomic analysis of marriage as developed by Nobel laureate economist Gary Becker to same-sex marriage. The objective is to demonstrate that the economic analysis of marriage supports allowing same-sex marriage, and that same-sex marriages would strengthen the incentive to marry, increase the efficiency of marriage markets, provide for more children to be raised in two-parent optimum environments, and benefit states economically overall. The article concludes with an overview of the economic impact of same-sex marriages on states based on the analysis, data and fiscal information currently available from researchers and economists in the field.

Economics↗
PubMed2003

Child gender and the transition to marriage.

We estimate the effect of a child's gender on the mother's probability of marriage or remarriage using data from the PSID Marital History and Childbirth and Adoption History Files. We find that the birth of a son speeds the transition into marriage when the child is born before the mother's first marriage. A competing-risks analysis shows that the positive effect of a son is stronger for marriages to the child's biological father than for other marriages. We find no significant effect of child gender on the mother's remarriage probabilities when the children are born within a previous marriage. These results are consistent with a marital-search model in which sons, more than daughters, increase the value of marriage relative to single parenthood.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2006

Estimating a marriage matching model with spillover effects.

We use marriage matching functions to study how marital patterns change when population supplies change. Specifically, we use a behavioral marriage matching function with spillover effects to rationalize marriage and cohabitation behavior in contemporary Canada. The model can estimate a couple's systematic gains to marriage and cohabitation relative to remaining single. These gains are invariant to changes in population supplies. Instead, changes in population supplies redistribute these gains between a couple. Although the model is behavioral, it is nonparametric. It can fit any observed cross-sectional marriage matching distribution. We use the estimated model to quantify the impacts of gender differences in mortality rates and the baby boom on observed marital behavior in Canada. The higher mortality rate of men makes men scarcer than women. We show that the scarceness of men modestly reduced the welfare of women and increased the welfare of men in the marriage market. On the other hand, the baby boom increased older men's net gains to entering the marriage market and lowered middle-aged women's net gains.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2005

The hefty penalty on marriage facing many households with children.

Over the past seventy years Congress has enacted dozens of tax and transfer programs, giving little if any attention to the marriage subsidies and penalties that they inadvertently impose. Although the programs affect both rich and poor Americans, the penalties fall most heavily on low- or moderate-income households with children. In this article, Adam Carasso and Eugene Steuerle review important penalties and subsidies, explain how they work, and help fill a big research gap by beginning to provide comprehensive data on the size of the penalties and subsidies arising from all public programs considered together. Marriage penalties arise because of the combination of variable U.S. tax rates and joint, rather than individual, filing by married couples for benefits and taxes. If graduated taxes were accompanied by individual filing or if all income and transfers were taxed at a flat rate, there would be no marriage penalties. Specifically, the penalties are a result of policymakers' efforts to achieve the goal of progressivity--giving greater tax and welfare benefits to those with lower income--while trying to keep down program costs. Thus benefits in transfer programs fall, sometimes steeply, as households earn more income. Combining the direct tax rate in the tax code and the benefit reduction rates in the transfer system can result in extremely high effective marginal tax rates for many low- to moderate-income families-rates far higher than those of families earning over 90,000 dollars. These high rates lead to the marriage penalties because additional income brought into a household by marriage thus causes other benefits to be reduced or lost altogether. In extreme cases, households can lose a dollar or more for every dollar earned. In recent years lawmakers have begun to try to reduce marriage penalties, primarily by reforming welfare and cutting taxes, but huge penalties remain. The authors offer several options for reducing or eliminating the marriage penalty and recommend two in particular. The first is to set a maximum marginal tax rate for lower-income individuals, similar to the maximum rate set for highest-income individuals. The second is to provide individual wage subsidies to lower-income earners, so that such workers who marry can combine their income with that of their spouse without incurring penalties.

Adult↗
PubMed2005

Effects of early and later marriage on women's alcohol use in young adulthood: a prospective analysis.

OBJECTIVE: Previous research shows that marriage leads to reductions in alcohol use, especially for women. Because marriage prior to age 20 (early marriage) is a marker for deviance, the protective effects of marriage may not extend to those who marry in adolescence. We compared the effects of marriage in adolescence versus young adulthood on alcohol consumption, negative alcohol-related consequences and heavy episodic drinking at age 29. METHOD: We analyzed data from 1,138 women in a longitudinal cohort followed from ages 18 to 29. The original sample was recruited from 30 California and Oregon middle schools and first surveyed at age 13. RESULTS: Women who had not married, had married early or had married between ages 20 and 29 did not differ on alcohol use at age 18. Women who married as young adults were less likely than singles to engage in any alcohol use, heavy episodic drinking or experience negative consequences and reported less alcohol use at age 29. Women who married in adolescence reported fewer negative consequences at age 29 than did singles and (if they had not divorced) were less likely to engage in heavy episodic drinking or experience any negative consequences, reported fewer consequences and consumed less alcohol. The protective effects of marriage in young adulthood were observed whether or not women divorced. Parenthood and college attendance before age 23 did not explain the marriage effect. CONCLUSIONS: Results support role theory, which posits that individuals who marry are socialized into conventional adult roles that discourage deviant behavior.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2002

Marriages in approved premises and register offices in England and Wales: the proportions of couples who marry away from home.

This article analyses how one of the two new facilities of the Marriage Act 1994 has been used in practice; the extent to which couples marry with a civil wedding in registration districts in which neither party resides--"away marriages". The Act made these "away marriages" possible for the first time from the beginning of 1995. Using two samples of marriages in England and Wales in 1998, the numbers and characteristics of away marriages are contrasted between those solemnized in approved premises and those in register offices. Comparisons are also made between "home marriages" and "away marriages".

Adolescent↗
PubMed2002

Cohabitation, marriage, divorce, and remarriage in the United States.

OBJECTIVES: This report presents national estimates of the probabilities of marital and cohabitation outcomes for women 15-44 years of age in 1995, by a wide variety of individual- and community-level characteristics. The life-table analysis in this report takes a life cycle approach to estimate the probabilities that: a woman will marry for the first time, an intact first cohabitation will make the transition to marriage, a first cohabitation will end in separation, a first marriage will end in separation or divorce, a disrupted first marriage will be followed by a new cohabitation, a separation from first marriage will result in divorce, a divorce from first marriage will be followed by remarriage, and a second marriage will end in separation or divorce. METHODS: The life-table estimates presented here are based on a nationally representative sample of women 15-44 years of age in the United States in 1995 from the National Survey of Family Growth, Cycle 5. RESULTS: The analyses show that various individual and community-level characteristics are related to the marital and cohabitational outcomes examined in this report. The results consistently demonstrate that the cohabitations and marriages of non-Hispanic black women are less stable than those of non-Hispanic white women. An analysis of trends over time suggests that differences by race/ethnicity are becoming more pronounced in recent years. Racial differences observed are associated with individual characteristics and with the characteristics of the communities in which the women live.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2002

Marriage: an evolutionary perspective.

Marriage is universal, and pair bonding is found in other species too with highly dependent young. So marriage functions as a reproductive social arrangement that traditionally involved the extended family. The sexes are not identical in their biological contributions to children's survival, so they seek somewhat different attributes in a mate. Men seek a young, attractive, sexually faithful bride. Women seek a man who is older, taller, and (as in many other species) socially dominant. Both sexes prefer a kind, healthy, attractive, similar mate who is emotionally attached to them. A spouse who fails to maintain sufficiently high mate value is vulnerable to divorce. Infertility and sexual dissatisfaction predict divorce, as does death of a child, but the more children, the stabler the marriage. Cross-cultural data suggest that cruel or subdominant men (e.g., poor providers) and unfaithful women are prone to divorce. Marriages in which the wife dominates the husband in economic contributions, nonverbal behavior, and decision making tend to be less satisfying. In societies in which wives are economically independent of husbands, divorce rates are high. As women's economic power has risen with industrialization, divorce rates have climbed. Economic and fitness considerations also help explain cultural differences in polygyny, age at marriage, arranged marriage, concern with the bride's sexual chastity, and marriage ceremonies. Other factors also affect marital dynamics, such as state subsidies to families, the sex ratio, and influence of the couple's parents.

Biological Evolution↗
PubMed1992

Demographic trends of marriages in Canada: 1921-1990.

This paper mainly describes levels and trends of marriages and rates and its relationship with demographic and social conditions in Canada from 1921 to 1990. In Canada, the propensity to marry was much higher in the 1960s and early 1970s than in the 1980s. A similar tendency was observed for a few years prior to, and at the beginning of, World War II and a couple of years after. The number of marriages peaked at an all time high of 200,470 in 1972 with a rate of 44.3 per 1,000 unmarried population aged 15-59. By 1986 the number of marriages had declined by 12.4% and the rate by 33.2%, but both the number of marriages and the rate increased marginally in the following three years. Since 1921 the average age at marriage has increased by 3.6 years for brides and 1.7 years for grooms. The proportion of marriages by previously divorced persons increased sharply after 1968. The changes in marriage rates in Canada parallel those exhibited in the United States and other developed countries in the western hemisphere.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1992

Marriage markets and nonmarital fertility in the United States.

We merge census microdata with vital statistics data to examine the effect of women's marriage opportunities on nonmarital fertility rates and ratios across 75 U.S. metropolitan areas. Measures of the quantity and "quality" of marriageable men simultaneously specific for women's age, race, education, and place of residence reveal especially poor marriage prospects for highly educated black women. The effect of mate availability on nonmarital fertility is generally modest. Among white women, marriage opportunities are associated inversely with the nonmarital fertility rate, perhaps reflecting an increased likelihood that a premarital conception will be legitimated. Marriage opportunities also reduce nonmarital fertility ratios for young black and white women. The nonmarital fertility rate is lower among women whose marriage pool includes a large percentage of nonemployed males. Only a small proportion of the racial difference in nonmarital fertility appears attributable to differences in the marriage markets of black and of white women.

Black or African American↗