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Study and introduction of family planning methods in developing countries.

Research in developing countries is essential for the evaluation of the safety, efficacy and acceptability of both new and already available contraceptives. Research conducted by scientists in developing countries has also played an essential role in the development of new contraceptives. The continuous delivery of progestin at a low dose, copper IUDs, contraceptive implants, monthly injectables and vaginal rings are examples of new methods developed with the input of research conducted largely in developing countries. When research in developing countries is funded or coordinated by international agencies, local scientists have to be involved not only in its implementation, but in the planning, analysis and dissemination of such research. The World Health Organization, the Population Council and Family Health International have played an important role in supporting collaborative studies for the development, introduction and evaluation of family planning methods in developing countries.

Developing Countries↗

Pregnancies averted among U.S. teenagers by the use of contraceptives.

CONTEXT: The personal and social costs associated with teenage pregnancy in the United States concern many policymakers and researchers, yet the role of contraception in preventing these pregnancies has not been adequately quantified. METHODS: Published estimates of contraceptive effectiveness were applied to 1995 National Survey of Family Growth data on sexual and contraceptive practices in order to estimate the number of pregnancies averted through the use of contraceptives by U.S. teenagers. Four scenarios of contraceptives access--from current levels of access to highly restricted access--and teenagers' sexual and contraceptive practices in response to such restrictions are used to project the potential impact on pregnancies among teenagers. RESULTS: Current levels of contraceptive use averted an estimated 1.65 million pregnancies among 15-19-year-old women in the United States during 1995. If these young women had been denied access to both prescription and over-the-counter contraceptive methods, an estimated one million additional pregnancies (ranging from 750,000 to 1.25 million) would have occurred, assuming some decrease in sexual activity. These pregnancies would have led to 480,000 live births, 390,000 abortions, 120,000 miscarriages, 10,000 ectopic pregnancies and 37 maternal deaths. CONCLUSIONS: Contraceptive use by teenage women prevents pregnancies and negative pregnancy-related health consequences that can disrupt the lives of adolescent women and that have substantial societal costs. Continued and expanded access to contraceptives for adolescents is a critically important public health strategy.

Adolescent↗

Blurred edges to population policies.

Fertility is now below replacement level in most European countries, especially the industrialized ones. In the last 20 years, several countries have developed or improved pronatalist programs containing incentives that are designed to motivate couples to have a 2nd and especially a 3rd child, to maintain a stable population. The WHO Sexuality and Family Planning Unit called a short consultation on this subject last October. What actually constitutes a pronatalist population program and the connections between public policies and private reproductive behavior were not very clear. Nor is it easy to assess the longer--term demographic effects of pronatalist policies or what influences their effectiveness. The outcome usually reflects the country's history, cultural and religious traditions, changes in lifestyle, and the value given to the family and children. Incentives are defined as monetary or nonmonetary inducements to voluntary reproductive behavior that conforms to specified population policies. They may be small or large, in cash or kind, parity-specific or income-linked, immediate or developed, one-time or incremental, or any combination of these. Disincentives are negative sanctions that are either incurred or thought likely as a result of violating the policy. But both incentives and disincentives are difficult to define. Pronatalist policies designed to encourage early marriage and larger families, thereby raising the future total fertility rate should not be confused with traditional social welfare policies designed simply to ease the burden of childbearing. Some policies have both demographic and social welfare aims. Strong pronatalist policies may be linked with restrictions on contraceptive availability and legal abortion. Moreover, other public policies affecting social security, education, employment, housing, regional planning and the emancipation of women may unintentionally influence demographic behavior. Population policies are the product of politics. Often written in ambiguous language and intended to affect society as a whole, they still depend for their outcome on microlevel changes in a couple's perceptions of the costs and benefits of having children. In theory, they can be carried out in many ways but in practice such policies are severely limited by administrative, political, technological, economic, and ethical constraints. One difficulty is that governments is rarely enunciate precise goals. Their approach may range from noninterference in private reproductive behavior to total coercion using controls ranging from traditional cultural influences to imposition of fertility regulations. In some countries, fertility rates have increased briefly (in terms of period rates) following introduction of pronatalist policies. However, it is not clear how the rates were influenced, particularly in the case of parities 1, 2, and 3. A forthcoming report will describe experiences in Bulgaria, France, Germany, Sweden, and Norway.

Developed Countries↗

Padlocked societies.

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Ambulatory Care Facilities↗