The usefulness of class interaction in affecting health attitudes: a before and after analysis of specific social health problems.
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This article describes a multiphase developmental process and psychometric evaluation of the Social Problem-Solving Inventory for Adolescents (SPSI-A). The SPSI-A consists of the following three scales: Automatic Process, Problem Orientation, and Problem-Solving Skills. The three subscales of the Problem Orientation Scale include Cognition, Emotion, and Behavior. The four subscales of the Problem-Solving Skills scale consist of Problem Identification, Alternative Generation, Consequence Prediction, and Implementation/Evaluation/Reorganization. Preliminary internal consistency, stability, content, construct, and criterion validity data are presented for freshmen and sophomore high school students. Collectively, the data provide evidence that the SPSI-A is a promising measure of adolescent problem-solving skills and motivation.
I hope to persuade Hilde L. Nelson that she is wrong about an ethics of caring.... In conclusion, caring is an "ethics of attention," but it includes more than attention. 'Carers' must respond as well as attend. Much more needs to be done in describing caring responses, especially when social problems are involved. I agree with Nelson that an ethics or a moral orientation must deal with social problems. I also agree that, to date, most of us working on caring have written little on the subject. However, I do not agree that an ethics of caring is unable to address social problems. We have to work at showing that it can.
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A model of problematic adolescent behavior that expands current theories of social skill deficits in delinquent behavior to consider both social skills and orientation toward the use of adaptive skills was examined in an ethnically and socioeconomically diverse sample of 113 male and female adolescents. Adolescents were selected on the basis of moderate to serious risk for difficulties in social adaptation in order to focus on the population of youth most likely to be targeted by prevention efforts. Structural equation modeling was used to examine cross-sectional data using multiple informants (adolescents, peers, and parents) and multiple methods (performance test and self-report). Adolescent social orientation, as reflected in perceived problem solving effectiveness, identification with adult prosocial values, and self-efficacy expectations, exhibited a direct association to delinquent behavior and an indirect association to drug involvement mediated by demonstrated success in using problem solving skills. Results suggest that the utility of social skill theories of adolescent problem behaviors for informing preventive and remedial interventions can be enhanced by expanding them to consider adolescents' orientation toward using the skills they may already possess.
The prevalence, nature, associations and outcome of psychiatric morbidity among four hundred and fifty severe general medical admissions are described. Affective disorder was diagnosed in 13 percent of men and 17 percent of women. It was associated with a history of previous psychiatric disorder and current social problems. Persistent affective disorder after discharge was associated with continuing medical and social problems. Alcohol problems were common in men, especially in those with social problems, and often went unrecognized by medical staff. Cognitive impairment was confined to the elderly and was associated with longer hospital stay and high mortality. Patients with emotional and cognitive disorder make considerable demands on medical, social and psychiatric services during and following admission. The implications for improved recognition and management of psychiatric morbidity in general medical patients are discussed.
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Some 211 male alcoholic in-patients were compared with a simple random sample of 200 men from Greater Stockholm. The group of male alcoholic in-patients and the random sample were subdivided with respect to alcohol consumption and use of hepatotoxic drugs: (IA) men from the random sample with low or moderate alcohol consumption and no use of drugs (n = 169); (IB) men from the random sample with low or moderate alcohol consumption with use of drugs (n = 31); (IIA) alcoholic in-patients with use of alcohol but no drugs (n = 171); (IIB) alcoholic in-patients with use of alcohol and drugs (n = 40). Earlier and more severe alcohol-related and anti-social problems were found among subjects with an alcoholic parent than among subjects without an alcoholic parent. The highest level of problems was noted for subjects with alcoholism in both parents and among the alcoholic in-patients. Groups which resembled each other were the drug users in the alcoholic group and in the general sample. Both inherited and environmental factors are important determinants and many of these individuals have psycho-social problems as children and adults. The children of those adults who used alcohol in combination with drugs (IIB) had most problems and the most severe problems. In the general population sample, those who used alcohol in combination with drugs (IB) had so many problems in the family and psycho-social problems themselves that they resembled the alcoholic in-patients and especially the group with high alcohol consumption in combination with drugs (IIB). A new finding is that the high-risk groups IB and IIB, who used both alcohol and drugs, had experienced a more disturbed school career and were more aggressive, had more nervous problems, and were more emotionally disturbed than the other groups. It is concluded that alcohol and drug use by parents may be predictive of future alcoholism in their children.
This article takes an international perspective on the drug problem in sub-Saharan Africa. This analysis borrows ideas from physical and economic geography as a heuristic device to conceptualize the global narcoscapes in which drug trafficking occurs. Both the legitimate and the illegal drug trade operate within the same global capitalist system and draw on the same technological innovations and business processes. Central to the paper's argument is evidence that sub-Saharan African countries are now integrated into the political economy of drug consumption due to the spill-over effect. These countries are now minor markets for "hard drugs" as the result of the activities of organizations and individual traffickers that use Africa as a staging point in their trade with Europe and the United States. As a result, sub-Saharan African countries have drug consumption problems that were essentially absent prior to 1980, along with associated health, social, and economic costs. The emerging drug problem has forced African countries to develop their own drug control policy. The sub-Saharan African countries mentioned below vary to some extent in the level of drug use and misuse problems: Burundi, Comoros, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Reunion, Rwanda, Seychelles, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Angola, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Congo (Zaire), Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Sao Tome and Principe, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d'Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. As part of this effort, African countries are assessing the health, social, and economic costs of drug-use-related problems to pinpoint methods which are both effective and inexpensive, since their budgets for social programs are severely constrained. Many have progressed to the point of adopting anti-drug laws or legislation, or of establishing a drug control agency. They are also cooperating regionally to coordinate drug control measures and working with the Organization of African Unity (OAU). In addition, almost all the sub-Saharan African countries are signatories to all United Nations drug conventions. Since the drug problem in Africa has international origins, it will take concerted international cooperation and coordinated effort to combat the "social cancer" of drugs.
The study asked how well Achenbach's 8-factor cross-informant model for the Child Behavior Check-list (Achenbach, 1991a, 1991b, 1991c) fits clinic data in the USA, Holland, and Australia. DeGroot et al.'s Dutch 8-factor model (DeGroot, Koot, & Verhulst 1994) was also tested for its cross-cultural generalizability. Achenbach's matched clinical sample data (N = 2110) were analyzed and contrasted with the previously reported Dutch findings (N = 2335), as well as a new data set collected on clinic referred children and adolescents in Australia (N = 2237). Confirmatory factor analyses supported the Dutch as much as the American model in the USA, Holland, and Australia. Although about 90% of items showed convergent validity across models and countries, the attention and especially the social problems factor found least support. Most double loadings in the current models were not upheld. Instead, additional analyses discovered a number of unmodelled loadings including many cross-loadings. This led to the redefinition of the social problems factor as a mean aggression factor (with associated social problems) whereas the original aggression factor focuses on emotional acting out and the delinquent factor describes an evasive, covert type of antisocial behavior. Overall most support was obtained for the withdrawn, somatic, anxious/depressed, thought problems, and aggressive factors.
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College students (N = 276) completed surveys describing two common drinking situations. One scenario described a student alone in an apartment after a weekday class; the other, the same student at a weekend party. Sex of the drinker in the scenario was systematically varied. Students estimated the number of drinks a social drinker and a problem drinker would have in each situation. Results indicated that: 1) definitions of social and problem drinking are strongly influenced by drinking context, and 2) male and female subjects estimated that problem drinkers of the opposite sex drank more than problem drinkers of their own sex. Problem drinkers were regularly estimated to consume three to four more drinks than the subject would in the same situation. Implications for education and prevention are discussed.
The cognitive model of gambling argues that irrational beliefs and erroneous perceptions including illusions of control, superstitious beliefs, expectancies of winning, attributional biases, selective memory, and entrapment play a pivotal role in the development and maintenance of impaired control over patterns of gambling behaviours. Assessment strategies using self-report, behavioural inferences, and verbalizations produced by 'thinking aloud' techniques, and the effectiveness of treatment interventions designed to correct cognitive distortions have provided substantive empirical evidence supporting this model. However, research has yet to measure such differences between the quality, intensity, or conviction of specific dysfunctional beliefs held by problem in contrast to social gamblers. At the theoretical level, the absence of such demonstrable differences would undermine the validity of the cognitive explanatory model. Based on a review of the available literature, a preliminary measure to assess differences in irrational gambling beliefs was constructed and administered to a convenience sample of 56 problem gamblers and 52 social gamblers. In support of the cognitive model, analysis indicated that, compared to social gamblers, problem gamblers endorsed more irrational beliefs across all domains except for the variable of 'denial'. Implications for research issues relevant to the identification of irrational beliefs that may be subjected to challenge within a cognitive therapy paradigm are mentioned.
The social consequences delivered for problem behavior during functional analyses are presumed to represent common sources of reinforcement; however, the extent to which these consequences actually follow problem behavior in natural settings remains unclear. The purpose of this study was to determine whether access to attention, escape, or tangible items is frequently observed as a consequence of problem behavior under naturalistic conditions. Twenty-seven adults who lived in a state residential facility and who exhibited self-injurious behavior, aggression, or disruption participated. Observers recorded the occurrence of problem behavior by participants as well as a variety of consequences delivered by caregivers. Results indicated that attention was the most common consequence for problem behavior and that aggression was more likely to produce social consequences than were other forms of problem behavior.
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