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The Guilt Inventory contains subscales measuring trait guilt, state guilt, and moral standards. Previous research has suggested the reliability of these scales and the validity of their interpretations. The items, coding, and scoring procedure for the Guilt Inventory are presented here as well as additional evidence regarding the reliability and measurement characteristics of its subscales.
This study examined reactions toward an expression of anger or guilt. Participants' reactions were assessed after their partner for a collaborative task expressed anger or guilt due to failure on the task. Analysis indicated that participants inferred the attribution of responsibility made by the partner based on the expressed emotions; anger elicited an inference that the partner attributed the failure to the participant, while guilt led to an inference that the partner attributed the failure to the self. Further, expressers of anger were perceived as having more negative traits and were avoided more than those who expressed guilt. Discussion considered negative interpersonal effect of an expression of anger.
Self-discrepancy theory associates shame with deviations from ideals that significant others hold for us and guilt with deviations from one's own moral guides. By contrast, Tangney posits that, although transgressions may engender both of these emotions, the nature of focus determines the specific reaction. Focusing upon the action committed engenders guilt, whereas focusing on the self who committed the action engenders shame. Participants recounted one of four types of discrepant actions and responded to measures of shame, guilt, anxiety, and depression. Consistent with Tangney's theorizing, across all types of discrepant actions, guilt was rated significantly higher than shame.
The paper presents the results of an investigation into some psychological aspects of shame and guilt of a group of school children aged fourteen. The research, which involved forty seven children, showed that majority of them, and girls in particular, treat guilt as distinctly different from shame. Guilt seems to be as a more intensive, longer-lasting experience, usually accompanied by a feeling of bad or wrong behaviour, with a general tendency to be coped with in privacy and rather consciously. In the case of the feeling of guilt, it is the individual in question who is his/her own judge (inner source), whereas in the case of shame judgement seems to come from the outside (i.e. other people). The paper proposes ways in which children can be protected from these two emotions.
OBJECTIVES: To investigate the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and survivor guilt in a sample of hospitalized soldiers evacuated from the Liberian and Sierra-Leonean wars in which Nigerians were involved as peace keepers. The relationships between PTSD, survivor guilt and substance use were also investigated. DESIGN: A socio-demographic data questionnaire, the PTSD checklist and a validated World Health Organization substance use survey instrument were used to obtain data from the subjects. SETTING: The study took place at the 68 Nigerian Army Reference Hospital, Lagos, Nigeria, which was the base hospital for all casualties from the Liberian and Sierra-Leonean operations. SUBJECTS: All hospitalised patients from the military operations during a 4-year period (1990-1994) who were physically capable of being assessed were included in the study. RESULTS: The prevalence rate for PTSD was found to be 22% and survivor guilt was found in 38% of the responders. PTSD was significantly associated with long duration of stay in the mission area, current alcohol use, lifetime use of an alcohol/gunpowder mixture, and lifetime cannabis use. Survivor guilt was significantly associated with avoidance of trauma-related stimuli but not duration of combat exposure. CONCLUSIONS: Although the sample studied was specific, PTSD might be quite common and probably undetected among Nigerian military personnel engaged in battle in Liberia and Sierra-Leone. Detection of such persons through deliberate screening in military community studies should help to alleviate the symptoms since good intervention methods are now available. Primary prevention efforts with regard to alcohol and cannabis use should help to reduce the incidence of PTSD.
To make criminal conduct liable to punishment, criminal responsibility, defined as individual blameworthiness in terms of social ethics, is required as point of reference--both to create and limit the state's right to punish the offender. Neurobiological findings and more recent investigations in brain research have given rise to serious doubts regarding this "conditio sine qua non" of the state's power monopoly. As a result of preceding unconscious decisions, so the argument goes, Man is not free in his will, and the normative principle of culpability would need to be relinquished in favour of a "law of measures" detached from guilt. A detailed analysis of the underlying experimental setups, in particular the investigations by Benjamin Libet involving the measurement of the readiness potential, has shown, however, that the results of the test methods do not justify the demand for a profound change up to the point of a total revision of criminal law, and that they cannot invalidate the concept of freedom of will apostrophised on principle. The empirical data obtained fail to demonstrate if and why decisions of the will should not be free, the more so as the nomothetic method used ignores completely the idiographic understanding and interpretation of the always context-related and socio-structurally (pre)-moulded personality of the offender. Performed in a laboratory setting as individual actions with a comparatively simple structure and unrelated to a concrete situation, they can by no means be translated to the (more) complex situation under which an offence is committed including the decision-making processes determined by psychodynamic, motivational and intentional aspects as well as highly specific reciprocal interactions within the offender-victim constellation. Even if these experiments had shown the determined nature of human decisions, they would not necessarily have to bring about a conceptual change of paradigms of the normative concept of guilt, because as a result of self-attribution, the intra- and inter-subjective experience of the freedom of will renders the mere "illusion of freedom" sufficient to assign to an individual the appropriate sense of responsibility, which is also accepted by him. The alternative of a law of measures independent of guilt and culpability must be rejected because it is incapable of instituting sufficient protection, both in qualitative and quantitative terms, against prognostically diffuse and utilitarian hypertrophied prophylactic efforts on the part of the state up to the point of a revolutionised anthropological design, as shown quite clearly by the repressive and restrictive tendencies apparent in criminal policy since 11 September 2001. Consequently, the classic principle of guilt as one of the humanitarian foundations of punishment imposed by the state needs to be protected and upheld in the face of rash and inadequately considered law amendment endeavours. With its principles having slowly grown over the ages under democratic consent, criminal law is capable of immunising itself against uncritically generalised restructuring attempts based on inductive false conclusions and the confusion of coincidence, correlation and causality, let alone against the neurobiological "occupation tendencies" of normative premises. Regardless of their undeniable fascination, future brain research activities and the respective findings in the neurobiology of thinking, decision-making and acting as an indispensable empirical and epistemological starting point must always be reviewed in terms of their factual and normative implementation powers in favour of or against the human freedom of will.
Author considers guilt-depressions as a special type of endomorph features in which the experiences of guilt and the cyclothymic axis-syndrome together define the form. The criterium for the delusional guilt-depression is the externalization of the certainty of consciousness of guilt. These states can be seen more often in elder people. Author discriminates modalities of externalization of relieving and of intensifying dynamics. For the latter author proposes the adjective "rejective". In return the relieving strategy corresponds rather to the "projective" e.g. paranoid mechanisms. Group of 20 patients in each (simple, projective e.g. paranoid and "rejective" forms) could be statistically (by chi 2-trial) compared with 5 characteristics and thus got homogenised. The increased suicide-rate in the rejective group seems to have an important practical role in the clinical and in the after-care praxis.
The effect of a short-term group intervention to reduce self-blame and guilt in parents of children with severe disabilities was examined. Thirty-four mothers were randomly assigned to treatment and waiting list control groups. They participated in classes led by a counselor on topics relating to cognitive processes associated with guilt and self-blame. Results showed significant reductions in measures of guilt, negative automatic thoughts, internal negative attributions, and depression. Theoretical and treatment literature concerning self-blame and guilt was briefly reviewed and the derivative treatment was described.
Variability in self-esteem, moods, shame, and guilt was explored in a sample of 78 women (37 who binge and 41 who do not binge) attending a large university. Results indicated that women who binge reported significantly greater fluctuations than women who do not binge in state self-esteem, negative affect, shame, and guilt. In addition, contrary to the hypotheses, self-esteem and positive affect increased prior to all eating episodes for women, including binge episodes for women who binge. Women who binge also reported lower levels of state self-esteem and positive affect, and higher levels of shame and guilt prior to binges than controls prior to their eating episodes. Theoretical implications of the differential role of shame and guilt are considered. In addition, results are discussed in terms of support for a self-nurturance explanation of binge eating in nonclinical samples of women.
As a contribution to an understanding of the psychodynamics of dissociative disorders this study investigated proneness to shame and to guilt as predictors of dissociative tendencies. One hundred and three Australian university students completed self-report measures of dissociative tendencies, proneness to shame and to guilt, gender, and age. Proneness to shame, proneness to guilt, and age were found to contribute significantly to the prediction of dissociative tendencies. The data provide further support for the view that common affective consequences of childhood trauma may mediate between such trauma and the development of a dissociative coping style.
The present study sought to determine whether high- and low-guilt Ss differ in their child-rearing attitudes. High-guilt Ss were found to be more likely to prefer an overprotective orientation combined with harsh punitive control. In general, attitudes of the high-guilt Ss were seen as more likely to produce psychological disturbance in their children.
This study investigated the relationship between sex guilt and drug preferences. Seventy polydrug users completed a drug preference inventory and the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Subscale. Results indicated that individuals who prefer sedatives are higher in sex guilt than either individuals who prefer stimulants or individuals with no definite preference.
Reactions of guilt and shame are conspicuous in the context of genetic counseling, and the relief of their distressing aspects is a widely held goal of genetic counselors. They are in a unique position to accomplish this; however, guidelines as to how one might proceed are not readily available. We have considered guilt and shame responses and have attempted to differentiate them, dynamically and developmentally, and have pointed out how each might be manifested in the course of genetic counseling. The major counseling tactics by means of which the alleviation or reduction of feelings of guilt and shame might be achieved are outlined and case illustrations are provided in which actual and potential counseling situations are explored and discussed.
Survivors' guilt is a pervasive mental health issue that is often initially manifested by family members in the critical care unit. With increased awareness and enhanced targeted assessment, critical care nurses are in a unique position to begin the initial processes of adaptive coping and functional grief and bereavement in surviving family members. Because the trajectory of grief and bereavement are often complex and long term, the additional complication of survivors' guilt can lead to many psychosocial and physical manifestations and sequelae. However, with early identification and intervention relative to the underlying factors of survivors' guilt, including appropriate referral and psychoeducational intervention and resources, critical care nurses can enhance and extend their care to families in the throes of significant and sudden loss and intrapsychic trauma.
A two-phased experiment tested the hypothesis that the presumption of guilt that underlies police interrogations activates a process of behavioral confirmation. In Phase I, 52 suspects guilty or innocent of a mock theft were questioned by 52 interrogators led to believe that most suspects were guilty or innocent. Interrogators armed with guilty as opposed to innocent expectations selected more guilt-presumptive questions, used more interrogation techniques, judged the suspect to be guilty, and exerted more pressure to get a confession--particularly when paired with innocent suspects. In Phase II, neutral observers listened to audiotapes of the suspect, interrogator, or both. They perceived suspects in the guilty expectations condition as more defensive--and as somewhat more guilty. Results indicate that a presumption of guilt sets in motion a process of behavioral confirmation by which expectations influence the interrogator's behavior, the suspect's behavior, and ultimately the judgments of neutral observers.
The Mosher True-False Sex-Guilt Inventory and questionnaires about sexual activity and contraceptive use were administered to a sample of 109 female college students in 1973 and a comparable sample of 111 female college students in 1978. Comparisons of these samples revealed an increase in sexual activity and a decrease in the use of effective contraception between 1973 and 1978. The data also confirmed the utility of the Mosher scale for predicting sexual activity and contraceptive use, while indicating that the level of sex guilt sufficient to inhibit sexual activity in 1973 was no longer sufficient in 1978. The discussion deals with clinical implications of these trends in contraceptive use among unmarried women and with methodological implications for use of the Mosher Sex-Guilt Inventory as a predictor of sexual activity.
The relation of shame and guilt to anger and aggression has been the focus of considerable theoretical discussion, but empirical findings have been inconsistent. Two recently developed measures of affective style were used to examine whether shame-proneness and guilt-proneness are differentially related to anger, hostility, and aggression. In 2 studies, 243 and 252 undergraduates completed the Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory, the Symptom Checklist 90, and the Spielberger Trait Anger Scale. Study 2 also included the Test of Self-Conscious Affect and the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory. Shame-proneness was consistently correlated with anger arousal, suspiciousness, resentment, irritability, a tendency to blame others for negative events, and indirect (but not direct) expressions of hostility. Proneness to "shame-free" guilt was inversely related to externalization of blame and some indices of anger, hostility, and resentment.
This study explored the relation of shame proneness and guilt proneness to constructive versus destructive responses to anger among 302 children (Grades 4-6), adolescents (Grades 7-11), 176 college students, and 194 adults. Across all ages, shame proneness was clearly related to maladaptive response to anger, including malevolent intentions; direct, indirect, and displaced aggression; self-directed hostility; and negative long-term consequences. In contrast, guilt proneness was associated with constructive means of handling anger, including constructive intentions, corrective action and non-hostile discussion with the target of the anger, cognitive reappraisals of the target's role, and positive long-term consequences. Escapist-diffusing responses showed some interesting developmental trends. Among children, these dimensions were positively correlated with guilt and largely unrelated to shame; among older participants, the results were mixed.