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Faced with increasing attendance and tardiness problems in an undergraduate student nursing clinical setting, the authors implemented a "point system" policy to objectively evaluate student performance. The authors discuss the policy, based on area hospital attendance point systems, and its impact.
In the aftermath of allegations of the misuse of human eggs in the United States, questions are being raised about whether profitable reproductive services should continue to function in a free market under the aegis of physicians or should be regulated. Other countries in which reproductive technologies are employed to a significant degree have developed regulations governing their use, many as a result of recommendations made by inter-disciplinary commissions that solicited public input. Policy makers in the United States have been reluctant to regulate reproductive technologies, however, because their use is politically controversial, they want to whittle down government, some do not consider infertility an illness, and some believe regulation would interfere with the right to reproduce. Yet the unfettered use of reproductive technologies can create such harms as lack of informed consent, providing procedures not medically indicated for financial gain, practice by unqualified personnel, injury to patients and donors, failure to screen donated gametes, and inadequate medical record keeping. Americans place special value on the welfare of children and those who bring them into the world. Such values can outweigh individual procreative liberty when new reproductive technologies are at issue. Although the optimal course would be to establish a regulatory body to govern reproductive technologies, this is not politically feasible now. The newly established National Bioethics Advisory Commission provides a forum in which issues surrounding reproductive technologies should be addressed at this time in the United States.
This essay provides a rationale for a regulated market for human oocytes. Although the commodification of human oocytes raises important moral concerns, these concerns do not justify laws banning commerce in human eggs. Given the burgeoning ART industry and the growing oocyte market, the most prudent course of action is to develop regulations for the human oocyte market that are designed to protect and promote important social values, such as health, safety, liberty, and respect for human life. Other responses, such as banning the sale of eggs altogether or allowing donors to be compensated only for their services, would either create a black market or would lead to corruption and abuse. Society still needs to debate specific rules and policies that should govern the human egg market, but further discussion of that important task is best left to legislative bodies and other commentators.
The use of rights based arguments to justify claims that donor offspring should have access to information identifying their gamete donor has become increasingly widespread. In this paper, I do not intend to revisit the debate about the validity of such rights. Rather, the purpose is to examine the way such alleged rights have been implemented by those legislatures that have allowed access to identifying information. I will argue that serious inconsistencies exist between the claim that donor offspring have a right to know the identity of their gamete donor and the way such a right is currently met in practice. I hope to show that in systems where non-anonymous donation is practised, an understanding of the proclaimed right of donor offspring to know their genetic identity is one composed of two different rights--the right to know the circumstances of their conception and the right to information identifying the gamete donor--can provide important insights into this important area of public policy.
AIMS: To review the indications and outcomes for abortion beyond 20 weeks' gestation within an environment of legislated notifiable pregnancy termination. METHODS: In Western Australia legislation allowing abortion > or = 20 weeks' gestation for serious maternal-fetal conditions was enacted in May 1998. Late abortions are only permitted in a single state institution and are notifiable by law. All pregnancy terminations > or = 20 weeks' gestation performed since this legislation were prospectively identified with the indications and outcomes reviewed. RESULTS: During the study period, 219 women underwent abortion > or = 20 weeks' gestation, representing 0.5% of all abortions in the state. Comparison with 438 contemporanous medical abortions for fetal anomaly at 14-20 weeks' gestations was made. Misoprostol was the primary abortifacient for both. The median maternal age for termination at 14-20 weeks was 32 years (interquartile range (IQR) 27, 36) and 30 years (IQR 26, 34) at > or = 20 weeks' gestation (P < 0.001). There was no significant difference in maternal gravidity or parity. The principal indications for terminations > or = 20 weeks were: karyotypic (28.8%); cardiac anomalies (15.5%) and neural tube defects (11.9%). Cardiac anomalies represented 5.0% of fetal anomaly terminations at 14-20 weeks (P < 0.01). The median time for medical abortion was 15.4 h (IQR 11.5, 23.2) at 14-20 weeks' gestation compared with 18.3 h (IQR 13.3, 26.1) at gestations greater than 20 weeks (P < 0.001). A total of 13.2% of terminations were performed at gestations beyond 24 weeks. CONCLUSIONS: Abortion > or = 20 weeks' gestation under medically regulated legislation is used primarily for serious fetal anomalies. The women are younger and the abortion duration is greater for late pregnancy termination compared with those conducted at earlier gestations. The majority of late terminations occur < 23 weeks' gestation and the incidence has remained stable since the legislation was enacted.
Whether public opinion should be expected to play a role in the shaping of abortion legislation in the states is a debatable question. Representation is a difficult task, especially if legislators receive mixed cues from the public, activists, and the political parties. In this study, we find that grass-roots activism and public opinion tend to match, and both are reflected in state abortion policy. In addition, more Pro-Life policies are found in states with a tradition of conservative policies in other areas, Republican majorities in the state legislature, more Catholic residents, and fewer women legislators. These patterns hold true for a composite index of abortion policies and for the specific policy area of government funding of abortions. Slightly different patterns occur for parental consent law, though these statutes also tend to reflect general preferences on abortion and interest group activity in a state.
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A consultant anaesthetist gave a diclofenac suppository for postoperative pain to a patient having four teeth extracted under general anaesthesia in the dental surgery. He did not seek the patient's specific consent preoperatively for use of the suppository but told her afterwards what he had done. Charged before the professional conduct committee of the General Medical Council with failure to obtain informed consent and assault, the anaesthetist was found guilty of serious professional misconduct and admonished. This decision has far reaching implications and has caused great concern.
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