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Results for “Voluntary Childlessness”

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PubMed2002

[Change in reproductive behavior in Germany compared with the rest of Europe].

When the processes involved in the decline of the birth rate are analysed very often no distinction is made between voluntary and involuntary childlessness. The article presents a comparative overview of the international development of fertility and highlights the consequences of this development in Europe. In the second part of this article the development of the birth rate in Germany and its consequences are discussed.

Adult↗
PubMed2005

The 'wish to have a child', childlessness and infertility in Germany.

BACKGROUND: Based on the declining birth rates in Germany, one might assume that the number of people who unintentionally are without children is growing. However, studies over recent years have documented that the number of people who deliberately have no children is growing instead. METHODS: This report focuses on attitudes and motives which influence the realization of the desire to have a child. In a representative survey, 785 women and 795 men were questioned about their current wish to have a child, their ideal number of children and the motives for or against the decision to have a child. RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS: Emotional aspects are the most important motives in favour of having children, and financial restraints are most frequently cited as arguments against parenthood in German society. Thus, deciding in favour or against having children still appears to be an indicator of social disparity, due to the fact that every realized child wish underlines the differences between parents and childless individuals through the increasing financial burdens. As a large number of individuals and couples in Germany postpone realization of their desire to have a child, this may lead to a change from a voluntary to an involuntary childlessness in the individual decision process. Therefore, education about fertility as a resource should be promoted.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1992

[Self concept and body image in involuntary sterility].

From theoretical reasons and clinical experience with infertile women, an impairment of the self-image and the body-image was to be expected with involuntarily childless people. Our hypothesis was tested in a sample of 107 subjects. 59 of them (f = 30, m = 29) were patients undergoing treatment for infertility. The two control groups consisted of 24 parents and 24 (voluntary) nonparents. Four instruments were used: 1. a modified version of the Role Construct Repertory Test according to Kelly (1955); 2. rating scales concerning different parental and non-parental roles; 3. the Questionnaire About One's Own Body by Strauss and Appelt (1983); 4. our Questionnaire About Problems Caused by Involuntary Childlessness. Contrary to what we expected, we neither found greater distances between self and ideal self nor an unfavourable body-image in involuntarily childless subjects. The male patients presented themselves even more self-confident and more attractive than the men of the control groups.

Adaptation, Psychological↗
PubMed2006

International disparities in access to infertility services.

OBJECTIVE: To characterize the international availability of infertility services. DESIGN: A PubMed computer search to identify relevant articles. SETTING: Academic medical center. PATIENT(S): None. INTERVENTION(S): None. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE(S): None. RESULT(S): Epidemiological data suggests that approximately 80 million people worldwide are infertile. Most countries in the industrial west have declining fertility rates marked by late marriage, postponed childbearing, and primary infertility. In contrast, in the developing world, there is little voluntary effort to postpone childbearing and early first marriage is common. However, a high prevalence of sexually transmitted infections and infections acquired as a result of inadequate health care result in increased rates of secondary infertility. In developing societies, childlessness is often highly stigmatized and leads to profound social suffering for infertile women in particular, yet most infertile people in the developing world have virtually no access to effective treatment. Internationally, a minority of countries offer IVF, and even where it is available, on average it is prohibitively expensive and utilized by a fraction of those who could benefit from its use. CONCLUSION(S): Wide disparities exist in the quality, availability, and delivery of infertility services between the developed and developing nations of the world.

Female↗
PubMed2001

Assessment of a telephone helpline on infertility provided by a patient association.

An assessment was made of 161 telephone calls to volunteers of the Dutch association of infertility patients 'Freya'. The unpaid volunteers all had personal experience with infertility. The majority of callers were childless women. On average the callers had been experiencing infertility for 4 years and had already a considerate history of medical examinations. Calls were made throughout the day until late at evening. Most calls were focused at information gathering, especially about the real experience of treatment and the behaviour and quality of medical staff. Also, emotions regarding infertility were an important topic of the conversation. Sometimes informative questions were an introduction for bringing up emotional problems. The telephone helpline appears to be an easily accessible and empathic source of information and help for infertile persons.

Adult↗
PubMed1991

Women and affliction in Maharashtra: a hydraulic model of health and illness.

The anthropological literature on spirit possession cults offers a distinction between voluntary possession or mediumship and involuntary possession or illness. Fieldwork was carried out in a Mahanubhav healing temple. Contradictory interpretations of trance and affliction were found to be held by the different temple inhabitants. Beliefs about the nature of spiritual affliction, its epidemiology and aetiology vary according to gender, family structure and position within the family. One manifestation of affliction is thought to be madness. However, the experience of mental affliction is very varied, for example, the number of family members accompanying an afflicted person, the amount of money made available for treatment, the length of treatment, as well as the less tangible but equally important aspects of treatment such as the degree of empathy and concern felt, all vary according to the afflicted person's gender and status within the family. The inferiority of women's position in society and their precarious belonging in their husband's family comes to the fore in cases of mental illness. The greater shame attaching to women's mental illness means that more women seek temple treatment alone and that the level of family support and involvement is less for women. Recently married women and older childless women fare particularly badly in the division of concern and responsibility for the afflicted. In Maharashtra the recognition and experience of mental affliction varies according to the stage of family development and, most importantly, according to the gender of the patient.

Cross-Cultural Comparison↗