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PubMed2005

Why don't they just get married? Barriers to marriage among the disadvantaged.

Kathryn Edin and Joanna Reed review recent research on social and economic barriers to marriage among the poor and discuss the efficacy of efforts by federal and state policymakers to promote marriage among poor unmarried couples, especially those with children, in light of these findings. Social barriers include marital aspirations and expectations, norms about childbearing, financial standards for marriage, the quality of relationships, an aversion to divorce, and children by other partners. Edin and Reed note that disadvantaged men and women highly value marriage but believe they are currently unable to meet the high standards of relationship quality and financial stability they believe are necessary to sustain a marriage and avoid divorce. Despite their regard for marriage, however, poor Americans do not view it as a prerequisite for childbearing, and it is typical for either or both parents in an unmarried-couple family to have a child by another partner. Economic barriers include men's low earnings, women's earnings, and the marriage tax. In view of these findings, Edin and Reed argue that public campaigns to convince poor Americans of the value of marriage are preaching to the choir. Instead, campaigns should emphasize the benefits for children of living with both biological parents and stress the harmful effects for children of high-conflict parental relationships. Programs to improve relationship quality must address head-on the significant problems many couple face. Because disadvantaged men and women view some degree of financial stability as a prerequisite for marriage, policymakers must address the instability and low pay of the jobs they typically hold as well as devise ways to promote homeownership and other asset development to encourage marriage. Moreover, programs need to help couples meet the challenges of parenting families where children are some combination of his, hers, and theirs. Encouraging more low-income couples to marry without giving them tools to help their marriages thrive may simply increase the divorce rate.

Adult↗
PubMed1995

An epidemiological study on consanguineous marriage among urban population in Alexandria.

The study was carried out using a cross-sectional approach, involving interviews with 500 households randomly selected from three urban areas in Alexandria (Bab Sharki, El Gomrok and Karmouz). A questionnaire interview was conducted with married females in these households to determine prevalence of consanguineous marriages and to study knowledge of married females about causes and effects of consanguineous marriages. Prevalence of consanguineous marriages among 500 married females was 22.8% with the highest frequency among marriage between first cousins (15.8%). Average inbreeding coefficient up to the marriage between second cousins equals to 0.01172. The linear trend of consanguineous marriages throughout the last 50 years was statistically significant. Age at marriage was younger in consanguineous marriages than non consanguineous marriages. Longstanding familiarity and sharing same traditions and customs with male relatives were the main causes of consanguineous marriages. The majority of the studied females (42.2%) reported that consanguineous marriage is harmful while 29.6% reported that it has no effect on offsprings.

Adult↗
PubMed1985

Marriage and divorce in twentieth century American cohorts.

Marital status life tables have provided a basis for describing the marriage, divorce, and mortality experience of U.S. cohorts born 1888-1950. In brief, marriage occurred earlier and became more universal from the earliest cohorts to those of the late 1930s. More recent cohorts show declines in the proportion ever marrying and increases in the mean age at marriage. Period data for 1980 and cumulative cohort data by age suggest the likelihood of a continuing retreat from first marriage. Divorce has been rising steadily, with the latest cohorts indicating that 46 percent of male marriages and 42 percent of female marriages will end in divorce. Period data for males in 1980 raise the possibility that levels of divorce may have reached a peak, but cumulative cohort data by age show no such pattern. The present results are consistent with the view that a fundamental change in the traditional concept of marriage is underway. Traditional marriage involved the husband providing the wife with economic support and protection in return for her companionship and maternal services. Strong social pressures urged men and women to marry, and made the coveted services married persons provided each other difficult to obtain elsewhere. Recent economic changes have undermined the social and economic forces that maintained the institution of marriage. The U.S. economy has grown to include a large service sector in its labor force, and that growth has produced a dramatic increase in female labor force opportunities (Oppenheimer, 1970). The resultant large scale participation of women in economic activity blurs the traditional division of labor by sex, and goes to the very heart of the traditional marriage "bargain." At the same time, economic changes have weakened family ties by encouraging lower fertility, stressing achieved as opposed to ascribed characteristics, and fostering geographical mobility (Goode, 1970). The "marital union" of the past may be giving way to the "marital partnership" of the future, which will accommodate informal as well as formal marriages, less dependence between spouses, greater egalitarianism, lower fertility, and higher levels of divorce.

Actuarial Analysis↗
PubMed1993

Marriage selection and age patterns of mortality: a mathematical investigation.

"In this paper, we use simulation models to demonstrate the complexity of the relationship between the marriage selection process and the resulting RMRs [relative mortality ratios]. In particular, we show that marriage selection alone can produce a relative mortality ratio which remains large and relatively constant at ages far beyond the marriage span....Our general objective...is to determine the range of age patterns of relative mortality which could, in theory, result from marriage selection on the basis of health characteristics. We also evaluate the effects of variations in the marriage selection mechanisms on the resulting mortality patterns.... We develop and apply several simple mathematical models of the marriage selection process. In order to distinguish the potential consequences of marriage selection from marriage protection, we consider hypothetical populations in which causal effects are absent.... We begin by considering an extremely simple marriage selection process and subsequently explore a more realistic selection model based on recent death and marriage rates for Japan."

Age Factors↗
PubMed2006

Age at first marriage in Nepal: differentials and determinants.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the differentials and determinants of female age at first marriage in rural Nepal. The life table technique was employed to calculate median age at marriage. The proportional hazard model was used to study the effect of various socioeconomic variables, and to identify the magnitude and significance of their effects on the timing of first marriage. The data were taken from a sample survey of Palpa and Rupandehi districts in rural Nepal. Both married and unmarried females of marriageable age were included in the survey. Median age at marriage was about 17 years for data from only married females, whereas it was about 18 years for data from married as well as unmarried females of marriageable age. Median age at marriage was about 16 years for uneducated females and 19 years for females educated up to intermediate or higher level. The analysis underestimates the median age at marriage for married females, probably due to right censoring. The risk of getting married early decreased gradually with increasing year-of-birth cohort. The risk of early marriage was higher among females of high socioeconomic status compared with those of low socioeconomic status. Females engaged in service married earlier than those engaged in household work. High socioeconomic status families are motivated, for religious and prestige reasons, to get their daughters married at an early age, preferably before menarche. Thus, education, occupation and age at menarche are the most powerful factors in deciding the timing of first marriage in Nepal.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1988

Traditional Arabian marriages and mental health in a group of outpatient Saudis.

This is a prospective study of 150 consecutive outpatients who were either married or divorced. Marriage custom in Saudi Arabia is unique to the culture of that country and several different kinds of marriage are identified: arranged marriage of cousins; marriage of a couple who have not met before consummation; marriage of a couple who have met once before consummation; forced marriage; and, rarely, marriage preceded by a period of courtship. Marital discord defined by the patients as fully or partially responsible for their presenting symptoms, was correlated with the different kinds of marriage. Discord was found to be more likely when the couple had never met or when there had been a period of courtship; more likely associated with anxiety and dysthymic disorders; and to affect females more than males. Polygamy was a definite stress. The consanguinous marriage had a higher rate of marital discord than the non-consanguinous, but this was found to be not statistically significant. In 40% of discordant, consanguinous marriages the discord was directly related to the degree of consanguinity.

Anxiety Disorders↗
PubMed1983

And they lived happily ever after: marriage concepts of older adolescents.

Children of divorced parents are themselves more likely to divorce. The transmission hypothesis has been variously explained by the role model learning, high risk mate selection, increased individual psychopathology and more recently by the explanation of the family's positive sanction of divorce. Conversely, studies without matched controls of adolescents' reaction to parents' separation and their own future marriage indicate that these adolescents are wary of marriage, planning to delay marriage until their late 20's or 30's and highly concerned with partner choice. A study of 18 and 19 year old college students (N = 140) was undertaken to see if the attitudes expressed by those from divorced families are unique to this group or representative of the attitude of the general teenage population towards marriage. The students completed the Tamashiro Marriage Concepts questionnaire and a demographic/social questionnaire. The majority, over 90%, scored on the first two stages of marriage concepts (magical or idealized conventional) consistent with previous findings for this age group. A sub sample of 17 adolescents with divorced parents was compared with 17 matched controls. No significant difference was found in marriage concepts, attitudes or social variables including predicted marital age, dating patterns and sexual experience. Thus older adolescents despite their previous experience tend to be less mature in cognitive style in their attitude to marriage than one would expect at this stage of ego development and, therefore, are at high risk for divorce with early marriage. Further, those adolescents whose background includes the experience of a parental separation and divorce show no difference in their attitude to marriage from their peers.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2005

Gay marriage, same-sex parenting, and America's children.

Same-sex marriage, barely on the political radar a decade ago, is a reality in America. How will it affect the well-being of children? Some observers worry that legalizing same-sex marriage would send the message that same-sex parenting and opposite-sex parenting are interchangeable, when in fact they may lead to different outcomes for children. To evaluate that concern, William Meezan and Jonathan Rauch review the growing body of research on how same-sex parenting affects children. After considering the methodological problems inherent in studying small, hard-to-locate populations--problems that have bedeviled this literature-the authors find that the children who have been studied are doing about as well as children normally do. What the research does not yet show is whether the children studied are typical of the general population of children raised by gay and lesbian couples. A second important question is how same-sex marriage might affect children who are already being raised by same-sex couples. Meezan and Rauch observe that marriage confers on children three types of benefits that seem likely to carry over to children in same-sex families. First, marriage may increase children's material well-being through such benefits as family leave from work and spousal health insurance eligibility. It may also help ensure financial continuity, should a spouse die or be disabled. Second, same-sex marriage may benefit children by increasing the durability and stability of their parents' relationship. Finally, marriage may bring increased social acceptance of and support for same-sex families, although those benefits might not materialize in communities that meet same-sex marriage with rejection or hostility. The authors note that the best way to ascertain the costs and benefits of the effects of same-sex marriage on children is to compare it with the alternatives. Massachusetts is marrying same-sex couples, Vermont and Connecticut are offering civil unions, and several states offer partner-benefit programs. Studying the effect of these various forms of unions on children could inform the debate over gay marriage to the benefit of all sides of the argument.

Adult↗
PubMed1978

A comparison of the probability of the dissolution of first and second marriages.

This paper applies the techniques of multiple decrement life tables to marriage histories collected as part of the 1973 National Survey of Family Growth, in an attempt to examine differences in pattern and level of marriage dissolution by marriage order. The paper considers the process of marriage dissolution in two stages--marriage to separation and separation to divorce--in addition to considering the composite of these two, marriage to divorce. Second marriages are more likely to reamin intact only for blacks. For all subgroups of whites, second marriages are either as likely or more likely to dissolve than first marriages. For both first and second marriages, blacks are considerably less likely to obtain a divorce after separation.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2000

Divorce in Ethiopia: the impact of early marriage and childlessness.

Forty-five per cent of first marriages in Ethiopia end in divorce within 30 years, and two-thirds of women who divorce do so within the first 5 years of marriage. This paper looks at two factors that may have an impact on the risk of divorce in Ethiopia: early age of first marriage, and childlessness within the first marriage. Data used were from the 1990 National Family and Fertility Survey conducted by the Government of Ethiopia. A total of 8757 women of reproductive age (15-49) were analysed. Life table analysis was used to determine the median age at first marriage, first birth and the median duration of marriage. Cox models were analysed to determine the differentials of divorce. The results of this analysis showed that both early age at marriage and childlessness have a significant impact on the risk of divorce. An inverse relationship was found between age at marriage and risk of divorce. Having a child within the first marriage also significantly reduced the risk of divorce. In addition, several cultural and socioeconomic variables were significant predictors of divorce.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1981

Ningxia People's Congress adopts marriage law.

A supplement to the national marriage law was adopted by the 3rd session of the 4th People's Congress of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region which ended here today. The supplement includes a number of areas. With regard to marriage age it says no marriage shall be contracted before the man has reached 20 years of age and the woman 18. Both these figures are 2 years earlier than the national age specified by the national law. Legal marriage registration must not be replaced by religious ceremonies. With regard to Moslems, those who want religious wedding ceremonies can do so only after obtaining their marriage certificates. Freedom of marriage of widows is protected against any interference under any pretext. Marriage between Hui people and other nationalities, of their own free will, must not be interfered with. The nationality of any children shall be decided by the parents and children may reexamine the decision themselves when they grow up. The supplement has been adopted in accordance with the national marriage law's article 36 which says "The people's congresses and their standing committees in national autonomous areas may enact certain modifications or supplementary articles in keeping with the principles of this law and in conformity with the actual conditions prevailing among the minority nationalities of the locality in regard to marriage and family relations." The congress, held from June 9-June 14, reviewed the implementation of the Communist Party's policies on nationalities and development of economy, culture, education and public health.

Asia↗
PubMed1985

Bisexual women in marriages.

A clinical sample of women who were currently or previously married were surveyed regarding demographics, homosexual experiences before marriage, problems in marriage, and sexual orientation. The average age of the 45 participants was 35.9. Before marriage, 21 (47%) were somewhat aware of their homosexual feelings but were much less likely to have thought of or identified themselves as homosexuals. Sexual difficulties were very common in these marriages (89%), the most cited sexual difficulty being a lack of sexual desire for their spouse (62%). Based upon Kinsey-type ratings, the sample could be described as almost exclusively heterosexual in behavior and fantasies before marriage. Some changes could be seen during marriage toward more of a homosexual orientation. The dramatic change, however, occurred following marriage, when the women reported even more of a homosexual orientation, tending toward the homosexual end of the Kinsey continuum. At the time of the study, a majority of the sample was, in fact, relating almost exclusively to other women. This study found that, compared to homosexual men who have been married, these women are more likely to marry at an earlier age, unlikely to be aware of their homosexual feelings prior to marriage, and more likely to terminate their marriage earlier because of conflicts arising as a result of their bisexual orientation and sexual dissatisfaction.

Adult↗
PubMed2001

Consanguineous marriage among the Fulani.

The Fulani are a broad ethnic category of nomadic and seminomadic pastoralists and agropastoralists living in the semiarid Sahel region of sub-Saharan Africa. The Fulani are patrilineal, patrilocal, and moderately polygynous, with arranged first marriages accompanied by the payment of bridewealth, ideally in the form of cattle. Consanguineous marriage is frequent, with first or second cousin marriage preferred. In this paper we present data on levels of consanguineous marriage among the Fulani of northern Burkina Faso and test the hypothesis that inbreeding may be more frequent when there is a scarcity of cattle available, since bridewealth demands are thought to be reduced with close-kin marriage. Among 308 women's marriages, 203 (65.8%) were between kin up to and including second cousins, and 102 (33.1%) were between nonkin. Among 276 men's marriages, 196 (71.0%) were between kin up to and including second cousins, and 77 (27.9%) were between nonkin. The mean population inbreeding coefficient (alpha) was 0.0355 for women, and 0.0374 for men. No increase was found in population levels of inbreeding estimated from marriages contracted after the droughts of 1973 and 1984, which drastically reduced the Fulani's cattle stocks. However, a significantly higher rate of consanguineous marriage was found in families owning the fewest cattle.

Animal Husbandry↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Marriage among unwed mothers: whites, blacks and Hispanics compared.

CONTEXT: Much of the debate over welfare reauthorization centers on whether marriage promotion should play a key role. Few studies, however, have tracked the marriage and divorce histories of unwed mothers, including minority women, who are often the main targets of welfare reform. METHODS: Data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth were used to estimate the hazards of the transition to marriage for women who delayed childbearing until marriage and for teenagers and older women who had a nonmarital first birth, and of the transition to divorce among the ever-married. Life-table estimates calculated with these estimated transition hazards show the cumulative proportions married and divorced, by race and ethnicity, for women who had a nonmarital first birth and for those who did not. RESULTS Nonmarital childbearing reduces the likelihood of marriage. Some 82% of white women, 62% of Hispanics and 59% of blacks who had a nonmarital first birth had married by age 40; the corresponding proportions among those who avoided nonmarital childbearing were 89%, 93% and 76%, respectively. There is no evidence to suggest that the negative effect of nonmarital childbearing on marriage is caused by other observed or unobserved differences between unwed mothers and women who remain childless until marriage. Nonmarital childbearing raises the likelihood of divorce among unwed mothers who eventually marry, a finding that also varies by race and ethnicity. CONCLUSIONS: Marriage promotion policies should focus on lowering rates of nonmarital childbearing. Reductions in nonmarital childbearing, however, may not eliminate long-standing discrepancies in marriage rates between black and white women.

Adolescent↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Do adolescents support early marriage in Bangladesh? Evidence from study.

Adolescence is a critical period for female adolescents as they have to make decisions regarding their marriage, education and work which would influence and determine their future course of life. Although, early marriage has negative consequences, still a proportion of female adolescents favour early marriage because of prevailing cultural norms. This paper attempts to investigate the factors influencing the adolescents' attitude towards early marriage among the married and unmarried female adolescents. This is a quantitative and qualitative study. A multistage cluster sampling technique was used to select the sample. For quantitative results, data on 3362 female adolescents from rural and urban areas irrespective of their marital status were analyzed. To supplement the results found in quantitative analysis, a series of focus group discussions were conducted among the adolescents. Analysis revealed that one fourth (25.9%) of the adolescents were in favour of early marriage. A number of societal factors influenced them towards early marriage, despite the fact that adolescents are aware of the consequences of maternal and child health. Multivariate logistic regression analysis showed that current marital status, years of schooling, work status and parental marital decision are important predictors of early marriage (p < 0.05). The study concluded that female education would be an important determinant of adolescent marriage. Therefore, opportunities and scope of education beyond secondary would helps to bring change in the attitude towards early marriage.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1988

Variations in marriage patterns in central Thailand.

Data from a survey of marriage patterns in central Thailand illustrate the complexity of change in marriage patterns in a developing society--the diversity of traditional patterns, the different directions of change, and the variations in current patterns. The data were collected in 1978 and 1979 from ever-married women aged 15-44 in three settings:a central plains village, established areas in Bangkok, and a Bangkok squatter settlement. Three forms of entry into marriage were identified:ceremonial marriage with parental involvement in the choice of spouse, ceremonial marriage with self-choice of spouse, and nonceremonial marriage (elopement and living together). All three forms of marriage existed in each setting, and the dominant form differed in each. In general, a family background of higher socioeconomic status led to a greater likelihood of a marriage ceremony and greater parental involvement in spouse choice. Women with more education were also more likely to marry with ceremony, but higher education for daughters was associated with less parental involvement in spouse choice. These findings suggest that marriage patterns may remain diverse in Thailand, even as further development occurs.

Adult↗
PubMed1999

Probabilities of marriage in two outer Hebridean islands, 1861-1990.

A study has been made of the probabilities of marriage of females and males aged 15-49 (either as a whole or in 5-year age groups) in two Outer Hebridean islands, Harris and Barra. The results were compared with ages of marriage and with the frequencies of permanent celibacy. The marriages took place between 1861 and 1990. Median ages of marriage rose to maxima in the 1930s and 1940s, then fell steeply, levelling out latterly. Permanent celibacy was consistently high among females, but rose from much lower levels in males to maxima in the 1970s and 1980s. It is concluded that in these populations age at marriage and the extent of permanent celibacy are largely independent of one another. In both islands the overall probabilities of females marrying fell until the 1920s, and then rose. The last decades showed stability (Barra) and a fall (Harris). Males showed only slight falls to about 1910; data were absent for between 1911 and 1960, but subsequently there was little rise in probability. These overall changes seemed to be associated with reciprocal variations in probabilities in the younger and older age groups. Declining overall probabilities were associated with declines in younger and increases in older age-group probabilities, and vice versa. Non-parametric correlations between median ages of marriage and probability of marriage were negative and generally significant for the 15-19 age group. Among the older age groups coefficients were generally positive. There was some evidence of an association between probability of marriage and sex ratio in any group of potential mates. The effect appeared more marked among 15- to 19-year-old females. Local factors which might explain at least part of the decline in nuptiality for the greater part of the period under study include the decline in the fishing industry and the 'land hunger' which existed until the late 1920s. This decline is interpreted as a 'Malthusian' response to economic and social conditions, but it coexisted with a 'neo-Malthusian' strategy, in the shape of declining marital fertility. The 'Malthusian' strategy seems to have been largely abandoned around the 1950s, but it may have reappeared during the 1980s.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1999

Community perceptions of reasons for preference for consanguineous marriages in Pakistan.

Although the recent Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) show that two-thirds of marriages in Pakistan are consanguineous, the sociocultural determinants of such marriages remain largely unexplored. This paper examines the relative importance of the three commonly perceived reasons for such marriages: religious, economic and cultural. The analysis is based on qualitative data collected in 1995 from multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities in Karachi, the largest city of Pakistan. Results show that consanguineous marriages are preferred across all ethnic and religious groups to a varying degree, and that parents continue to be the prime decision-makers for marriages of both sons and daughters. The major reasons for a preference for consanguineous marriages are sociocultural rather than any perceived economic benefits, either in the form of consolidation of family property or smaller and less expensive dowries. Among Muslims, following religious traditions is the least commonly cited reason for such marriages. Despite the reported sociocultural advantages of consanguineous marriages, such unions are perceived to be exploitative as they perpetuate the existing power structures within the family.

Adolescent↗