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PubMed2005

Immigration status and health insurance coverage: who gains? Who loses?

OBJECTIVES: We compared health insurance status transitions of nonimmigrants and immigrants. METHODS: We used multivariate survival analysis to examine gaining and losing insurance by citizenship and legal status among adults with the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey. RESULTS: We found significant differences by citizenship and legal status in health insurance transitions. Undocumented immigrants were less likely to gain and more likely to lose insurance compared with native-born citizens. Legal residents were less likely to gain and were slightly more likely to lose insurance compared with native-born citizens. Naturalized citizens did not differ from native-born citizens. CONCLUSIONS: Previous studies have not examined health insurance transitions by citizenship and legal status. Policies to increase coverage should consider the experiences of different immigrant groups.

Adult↗
PubMed1993

Insurance, income, and access to ambulatory care in King County, Washington.

OBJECTIVES: We studied simultaneous effects of income and insurance on access measures in an indigent population, focusing on Medicaid and the marginal effects of increasing income. METHODS: Surveys were distributed in waiting rooms of county clinics and welfare offices. Models examined insurance (private, Medicaid, or none), income (to twice the poverty level), single-parent status, age, gender, and presence of a regular source of care; first-order interactions were evaluated. RESULTS: In terms of ease of access, postponing care, and having a regular source of care, uninsured respondents fared worst and Medicaid recipients were at an intermediate level. However, relative to those with private insurance, Medicaid recipients had four times the odds, and uninsured respondents twice the odds of being denied care. Income had no consistent effect; however, older, poorer people may have greater problems. For preventive services, income was significant, while differences between Medicaid and private insurance were generally not significant. CONCLUSIONS: Except for denial of care, access for indigent people is improved by Medicaid but remains worse than the access of those with private insurance. Income had variable effects, but support for income criteria used for public insurance eligibility was not found.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1998

Validity of insurance information on California birth certificates.

OBJECTIVES: This study assessed the validity of health insurance information on California birth certificates. METHODS: Insurance information from birth certificates and linked face-to-face interviews was compared for 7428 postpartum women in California. RESULTS: There was excellent agreement between insurance information in birth certificate and interview data, especially when capitated plans were grouped with all other private coverage. Analyses using both data sources produced similar estimates of the likelihood of untimely prenatal care according to type of insurance coverage. CONCLUSIONS: Birth certificate data including insurance information appear to be an appropriate resource for examining both the extent of coverage for maternity care and associations between prenatal care use and insurance status.

Birth Certificates↗
PubMed2003

The movement for universal health insurance: finding common ground.

Before 1971, all proposals for universal health insurance were based on private sector financing and administration. After 1971, universal health insurance plans relying on the private sector complicated efforts of the universal health insurance movement. To forge as broad a movement for universal health insurance as possible, it may be worthwhile for universal health insurance advocates of different persuasions to seek common ground on the basis of a set of goals for a new health care system. The goals can serve as a measuring stick to determine which health insurance plans are worthy of support.

Cooperative Behavior↗
PubMed2003

The number of Americans without health insurance rose in 2001 and continued to rise in 2002.

Data from the Census Bureau and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention indicate that the number of uninsured Americans rose in 2001and in the first quarter of 2002. The main reason insurance coverage fell was a drop-off in employer-sponsored insurance for workers and their dependents. This reduction was triggered by rising unemployment levels and rising health insurance premiums, which made it more difficult for employers to offer insurance or for workers to afford it. The downturn in private coverage was partially offset by increased enrollment in Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). About two million mor e children and one million more adults would have been uninsured had it not been for the growth in these programs. Funding for the public programs is, however, threatened by budget shortfalls affecting most states, which administer these programs. Many states have cut their Medicaid programs and are planning further cutbacks. Increasing federal assistance to states and their Medicaid programs could help protect insurance coverage for low-income people during the current economic slowdown. Future SCHIP enrollment could drop sharply because of a shortage of federal funds, and Congress could take steps to bolster SCHIP funding.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1994

Health insurance coverage and medical care utilization among working-age Americans with visual impairment.

As access and cost of medical care emerge as the fundamental issues in the discussion of reforming the nation's health care system, more attention needs to be devoted to the understanding of how visual impairment and functional disability in general affects an individual's access to health insurance as well as medical care utilization. Based on the 1984 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), we estimate that only 57.5% of 7.0 million working-age (15-64 years old) visually impaired Americans, compared with 79.0% of those not visually impaired, have private health insurance coverage. Moreover, an estimated 1.5 million visually impaired working-age Americans are not covered by any form of health insurance, public or private. This 20.7% uninsurance rate is significantly higher than the 14.1% reported among those who are not visually impaired (p < 0.001). Multivariate logistic regression also supports the inverse association between visual impairment and insurance coverage. On the other hand, multivariate logistic regression suggests a positive association between visual impairment and utilization of outpatient medical services. Although there is a trend toward higher utilization of inpatient services as well among the visually impaired, the finding is not statistically significant. These findings suggest that visual impairment poses a barrier to accessing health insurance, even when controlling for income, education, and employment status. On the other hand, regardless of the health insurance status, visually impaired Americans are likely to have utilized more physician services, but not the hospital services, than the non-visually impaired.

Adult↗
PubMed2000

The accuracy of myocardial infarction diagnosis in medical insurance claims. Korean Research Group for Cardiovascular Disease Prevention and Control.

We attempted to assess the accuracy of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD) codes for myocardial infarction (MI) in medical insurance claims, and to investigate the reasons for any inaccuracy. This study was designed as a preliminary study to establish a surveillance system for cardiovascular diseases in Korea. A sample of 258 male patients who were diagnosed with MI from 1993 to 1997 was selected from the Korea Medical Insurance Corporation cohort (KMIC cohort: 183,461 people). The registered medical record administrators were trained in the survey technique, and gathered data by investigating the medical records of the study subjects from March 1999 to May 1999. The definition of MI for this study included symptoms pursuant to the diagnostic criteria of chest pain, electrocardiogram (ECG) findings, cardiac enzyme and results of coronary angiography or nuclear scan. We asked the record administrators for the reasons of incorrectness for cases where the final diagnosis was 'not MI'. The accuracy rate of the ICD codes for MI in medical insurance claims was 76.0% (196 cases) of the study sample, and 3.9% (ten cases) of the medical records were not available due to hospital closures, non-computerization or missing information. Nineteen cases (7.4%) were classified as insufficient due to insufficient records of chest pain, ECG findings, or cardiac enzymes. The major reason of inaccuracy in the disease code for MI in medical insurance claims was 'to meet the review criteria of medical insurance benefits (45.5%)'. The department responsible for the inaccuracy was the department of inspection for medical insurance benefit of the hospitals.

Cohort Studies↗
PubMed2001

A health insurance tax credit for uninsured workers.

This paper describes a new system of tax credits to help low-income workers pay for health insurance. The system would be designed to subsidize health insurance coverage for workers who are currently uninsured, or who pay high premiums for nongroup insurance. Anyone age 19 or older who is not covered by Medicaid, Medicare, or employer-sponsored health insurance would be eligible for a health insurance tax credit (HITC), administered through the Internal Revenue Service. The base amount of the proposed credit would be $2,000 per year for each covered individual, but this amount would be adjusted for the individual's age and sex, according to the effect of age and sex on the cost of insurance coverage. The base amount of the credit would be reduced by $150 for every $1,000 by which a person's income exceeded 200% of the federal poverty level, thus limiting HITC eligibility to lower-income workers. To encourage participation in the credit program, most of the credit would be available through an advance payment system, with final reconciliation after year's end.

Adult↗
PubMed1995

Ownership and average premiums for Medicare supplementary insurance policies.

This article describes private supplementary health insurance holdings and average premiums paid by Medicare enrollees. Data were collected as part of the 1992 Medicare Current Beneficiary Survey (MCBS). Data show the number of persons with insurance and average premiums paid by type of insurance held--individually purchased policies, employer-sponsored policies, or both. Distributions are shown for a variety of demographic, socioeconomic, and health status variables. Primary findings include: Seventy-eight percent of Medicare beneficiaries have private supplementary insurance; 25 percent of those with private insurance hold more than one policy. The average premium paid for private insurance in 1992 was $914.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1998

Health insurance portability: COBRA expansions and job mobility.

This Issue Brief discusses continuation-of-coverage mandates under the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985 (COBRA). It provides background information on health insurance portability and job mobility, data on the cost to employers of providing continuation of coverage to former employees, and a summary of empirical research on COBRA's effect on employee benefits and job mobility. COBRA coverage can be considered advantageous for most workers, as it allows continuation of the health insurance policy they had in place at work when they lose or leave a job. Although employees can be required to pay 102 percent of the premium for COBRA coverage, they can usually realize significant savings compared with the cost of purchasing the equivalent insurance policy in the private market. Many employers consider COBRA to be a costly mandate for three reasons. First, premiums collected from COBRA beneficiaries typically do not cover the costs of the health care services rendered. Second, COBRA imposes an additional administrative cost on employers. Third, many employers view the penalties for noncompliance as excessively large. According to a survey conducted by Charles D. Spencer & Associates, of the 10.2 percent of employees and dependents who were eligible for COBRA coverage in 1996, over 28 percent elected it. In addition, average employer claims costs for COBRA beneficiaries amounted to $5,591, compared with $3,332 for active employees in surveyed plans. According to Employee Benefit Research Institute estimates of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), the COBRA population is much older than the general insured population. COBRA beneficiaries also have higher personal income than the general insured population, with this difference being almost entirely due to differences in retirement income. Any attempt to expand COBRA coverage, either through subsidies or by allowing workers to choose from plans with lower premiums, would likely result in increased employer health care costs. As a result, employers may consider various alternatives to reduce, shift, or eliminate the impact of this increased cost. One alternative would be to continue requiring active employees to share in the increased costs through higher employee contributions. A second alternative would be to reduce or eliminate health care benefits for active employees and/or future retirees and their families. A third alternative would be to reduce the size of the work force eligible for health insurance benefits. Finally, employers may pass additional costs on to workers or consumers.

Budgets↗
PubMed1986

Interpreting the estimates from four national surveys of the number of people without health insurance.

Four national surveys conducted between 1977 and 1980 seem to yield four different estimates of the number of people under 65 years old who lack health insurance. In this paper four explanations for the different estimates are assessed. The sample framework designs and methods for ex post weighting of the surveys' respondents are very similar. Nonresponses to the health insurance questions on the surveys were handled differently, and this remains a possible explanation of some of the differences in the estimates. But the most likely explanation of the differences is the following. Three of the four surveys ask people about their health insurance at the time of the interview. The fourth, the Current Population Survey, asks people about their health insurance during the previous year. But the Current Population Survey estimate of the uninsured population is remarkably close to the point-in-time estimates from the other three surveys. The same holds true for the surveys' estimates of the Medicaid population and people covered by private health insurance. Hence, if we assume that the Current Population Survey respondents are answering the health insurance questions with respect to when they are interviewed, the four surveys' estimates of the uninsured population at a point in time are very similar.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1999

Why not private health insurance? 2. Actuarial principles meet provider dreams.

What do insurers and employers feel about proposals to expand Canadian health care financing through private insurance, in either a parallel stream or a supplementary tier? The authors conducted 10 semistructured, open-ended interviews in the autumn and early winter of 1996 with representatives of the insurance industry and benefits managers working with large employers; respondents were identified using a snowball sampling technique. The respondents felt that proposals for parallel private plans within a competitive market are incompatible with insurance principles, as long as a well-functioning and relatively comprehensive public system continues to exist; the maintenance of a strong public system was both socially and economically desirable. With the exception of serving the niche market for the private management of return-to-work strategies, respondents showed little interest in providing parallel coverage. They were receptive to a larger role for supplementary insurance but cautioned that they are not willing to cover all delisted services. As business executives they stated that they are willing to insure only services and clients that will be profitable.

Canada↗
PubMed2000

Utilization of specialty mental health care among persons with severe mental illness: the roles of demographics, need, insurance, and risk.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the sociodemographic, need, risk, and insurance characteristics of persons with severe mental illness and the importance of these characteristics for predicting specialty mental health utilization among this group. DATA SOURCE: The Healthcare for Communities survey, a national study that tracks alcohol, drug, and mental health services utilization. Data come from a telephone survey of adults from 60 communities across the United States, and from a supplemental geographically dispersed sample. STUDY DESIGN: Respondents were categorized as having a severe mental disorder, other mental disorder, or no measured mental disorder. Differences among groups in sociodemographics (gender, marital status, race, education, and income), insurance coverage, need for mental health care (symptoms and perceived need), and risk indicators (suicide ideation, criminal involvement, and aggressive behavior) are examined. Measures of service use for mental health care include emergency room, inpatient, and specialty outpatient care. The importance of sociodemographics, need, insurance status, and risk indicators for specialty mental health care utilization are examined through logistic regression. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: The severely mentally ill in this study are disproportionately African American, unmarried, male, less educated, and have lower family incomes than those with other disorders and those with no measured mental disorders. In a 12-month period almost three-fifths of persons with severe mental illness did not receive specialty mental health care. One in five persons with severe mental illness are uninsured, and Medicare or Medicaid insures 37 percent. Persons covered by these public programs are over six times more likely to have access to specialty care than the uninsured are. Involvement in the criminal justice system also increases the probability that a person will receive care by a factor of about four, independent of level of need. The average number of outpatient visits for specialty care varies little across type of disorder, and the median number of visits (ten) is equivalent for those with a severe mental illness and those with other disorders. CONCLUSIONS: Persons with severe mental illness have a high level of economic and social disadvantage. Barriers to care, including lack of insurance, are substantial and many do not receive specialty care. Public insurance programs are the major points of leverage for improving access, and policy interventions should be targeted to these programs. Problems of adequate care for the severely mentally ill may be exacerbated by the managed care trend to reductions in intensity of treatment.

Acute Disease↗
PubMed2000

Pet insurance--essential option?

As Hawn (2) says, "insurance is about risk and peace of mind." She reports that the American Humane Society supports pet insurance because companion animals are able to be treated for disease or accidents that are life-threatening where, otherwise, they would have been euthanized. For veterinarians, she suggests that pet insurance allows them to practice veterinary medicine "as if it were free." It is inevitable that pet insurance will grow as a recourse for veterinary fees. This may be a savior to some families whose budget is stretched to the limit at a critical moment in the health care of their cherished pet. We in the veterinary profession have an advantage over other professions. We have seen the good, the bad, and the ugly of insurance, as it applies to human health and dental care. If we work hand-in-hand with our own industries, collectively we may be able to develop a system that wins for everyone, with fees that allow practice to thrive and growth strategies that accommodate new treatment and diagnostic modalities, as well as consistent and exemplary customer service. The path ahead is always fraught with bumps and potholes. We can be a passive passenger and become a victim of the times or an active driver to steer the profession to a clearer route. Pet insurance is but one of the solutions for the profession; the others are a careful assessment of our fees--charging what we are worth, not what we think the client will pay; business management; customer service; leadership of our health care team; lifelong learning; and more efficient delivery systems. Let us stop being a victim, stop shooting ourselves in the professional foot, and seize the day!

Animal Diseases↗
PubMed2000

Genetic discrimination in health insurance: an overview and analysis of the issues.

The problem of genetic discrimination in health insurance will increase as genetic knowledge expands and the number of genetic tests proliferates. Unless appropriate legislative protections are developed and enforced, a consequence of the genetic revolution may be that more people are put at risk for losing their health insurance. The current situation requires people to make difficult choices about taking tests that could save or prolong their lives. Unless these people believe that they and their families will be adequately protected from discrimination and from the possibility of losing or being denied health insurance, many will choose not to be tested for genetic conditions or predisposition to disease. Solutions to this problem require continuing research and debate and the creation of new policies and laws that protect the people while maintaining the economic viability of insurance companies. This article explores the problem of genetic discrimination as it relates to health insurance in the United States. The goal of this article is to assist nurses and other health care professionals to better understand the important and complex issues and concepts related to genetics, genetic testing, and genetic discrimination in health insurance.

Confidentiality↗
PubMed2000

The impact of health insurance market reforms on market competition.

OBJECTIVES: To assess the impact of state and federal health insurance market reforms on the nature and extent of market competition. STUDY DESIGN: Qualitative, comparative case studies in 7 states. METHODS: Two rounds of in-depth interviews were conducted with over 100 key informants from the insurance industry. In each state, these sources included 2 to 4 regulators, 5 to 6 independent agents, and several sources at each of 4 to 5 of the top insurers. Extensive documentary data relating to market activity were also collected. These multiple sources of information and data were analyzed with both qualitative and quantitative techniques. RESULTS: (1) Small-group health insurance markets are highly competitive, both in price and in product innovation and diversity. (2) In some of the more heavily regulated states, there is very little competition in less-populated areas, especially for indemnity insurance. (3) The rapid growth of managed care in the small-group market may have been precipitated by these reforms. (4) Standardized benefit plans have not achieved their objectives. (5) Competitive forces still focus to a considerable extent on risk selection techniques. CONCLUSION: Small-group market reforms have not harmed market competition and may have improved competition in several respects. However, these reforms do not alter the fundamental orientation of competitive insurance markets, which is to focus on risk selection factors and techniques to the extent feasible.

Economic Competition↗
PubMed2000

Rates of hospitalization for asthma by insurance status.

OBJECTIVE: To compare utilization of emergency department (ED) and inpatient resources for asthmatics across insurance types. METHODS: Retrospective cohort analysis consisting of patients over 18 years of age admitted to the ED of 27 hospitals located throughout the United States for asthma between October 1, 1996 and September 30, 1997. RESULTS: 2738 patients were identified who met all inclusion/exclusion criteria. Approximately 25% of the sample had traditional indemnity insurance, 22% were managed care enrollees, 35% were enrolled in Medicaid or Medicare, and 18% were self-pay. Cost of treatment varied by insurance type in the ED and for inpatient asthma care: Medicare patients tended to have higher ED costs than all other insurance types, while indemnity patients had higher costs than Medicaid and Medicare patients. No significant differences were observed between managed care or indemnity patients for ED or inpatient costs; however, indemnity patients were less likely to be hospitalized for asthma subsequent to visiting the ED than managed care patients (OR: 0.40, 95% CI: 0.31-0.52). CONCLUSION: Significant differences in types and costs of care were observed across differing insurance types, which may suggest an "insurance effect" on asthma-related treatment in the ED and/or hospital.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1993

Can an employer-based health insurance system be just?

It is America's distinctive practice to tie private health insurance to employment, and recent proposals have tried to retain this link through mandating that all employers provide health insurance to their employees. My primary approach to these issues is neither economic, nor historical, nor political but ethical. After a brief historical overview, I outline a general approach to evaluating the ethical significance of linking the distributions of distinct goods. I examine whether an unjust distribution of jobs spoils justice in the distribution of health insurance, taking as a central example gender inequities in employment and exploring their impact on job-based health insurance. Second, I explore the possibility that justly awarding jobs guarantees justice in employment-sponsored insurance. However, linking the distributions of different goods remains problematic, because such links inevitably undermine equality by enabling the same individuals to enjoy advantages in many different distributive areas. Finally, I examine recent proposals to reform America's health care system by requiring all employers to provide health insurance to their employees. I argue that such proposals lend themselves to the same ethical problems that the current system does and urge greater attention to alternative reform options.

Coercion↗