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[Eleventh General Assembly of the International Association of Social Security].
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[The International Association of Social Security].
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REAPPRAISAL of social security.
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[Is the medical profession responsible for the deficit of the social security].
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Rehabilitation in Germany: new challenges of a structured social security scheme.
The structured social security scheme established in Germany is clearly reflected in the configuration of the German rehabilitation system. For medical rehabilitation the institutions of statutory pension insurance and statutory health insurance are of particular importance. Within the past decades differentiated supply structures were built up and re-built within the rehabilitation system. As a consequence, insured parties receive different rehabilitation benefits depending on which insurance is responsible. This article outlines central elements of the German rehabilitation supply structure as well as the numerous rehabilitation forms and benefits. Moreover, perspectives of a recently passed law of rehabilitation and the participation of handicapped people (SGB IX) (SGB=social law), which forces insurers into increased co-operation and restructuring, are presented.
[PARTICIPATION OF THE SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM IN MEDICIAL AND SOCIAL EQUIPPING].
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The issue unresolved: innovating and adapting disability programs for the third era of Social Security.
The history of the Social Security programs in the United States falls into several distinct eras, defined by changing social, demographic, and economic conditions. At present the retirement component of these programs is moving into a stage of program maturation, which poses certain relatively well-understood changes to policymakers. The disability programs are also moving into the same set of societal conditions, but their impact is considerably more difficult to predict. Already disability incidence rates have experienced disturbingly large and poorly understood shifts. Developing a way to predict these shifts and to deal with the challenges that they make for existing programs is therefore a major priority of Social Security's current research agenda.
The Mexican Social Security counterreform: pensions for profit.
The social security counterreform, initiated in 1997, forms part of the neoliberal reorganization of Mexican society. The reform implies a profound change in the guiding principles of social security, as the public model based on integrality, solidarity, and redistribution is replaced by a model based on private administration of funds and services, individualization of entitlement, and reduction of rights. Its economic purpose is to move social services and benefits into the direct sphere of private capital accumulation. Although these changes will involve the whole social security system--old-age and disability pensions, health care, child care, and workers' compensation--they are most immediately evident in the pension scheme. The pay-as-you-go scheme is being replaced by privately managed individual retirement accounts which especially favor the big financial groups. These groups are gaining control over huge amounts of capital, are authorized to charge a high commission, and run no financial risks. The privatization of the system requires decisive state intervention with a legal change and a sizable state subsidy (1 to 1.5 percent of GNP) over five decades. The supposed positive impact on economic growth and employment is uncertain. A review of the new law and of the estimates of future annuities reveals shrinking pension coverage and inadequate incomes from pensions.
Dependency and interdependency: the incomes of informal carers and the impact of social security.
Consideration of the income and social security needs of informal carers has remained conspicuously absent from discussions about 'community care'. Similarly, carers have been more or less invisible in the development of social security policies. This paper reports on a study of the financial circumstances of a sample of working age carers, who were living with and providing substantial amounts of help and support to a disabled person in the same household. The study highlights first, the substantial work-related costs incurred by carers with full time employment; and second the financial dependency of carers without full time earnings, on their spouse, sibling or on the person being cared for. The implications of these findings are discussed in the light of recent developments in social security policies.
Development and evaluation of a survey-based type of benefit classification for the Social Security program.
This attempt to classify Social Security beneficiaries by type of benefit using the new Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) has yielded promising results. Evaluations of the classification algorithm based on comparison of the estimated number of beneficiaries in each of the several categories to independent estimates of the number of beneficiaries indicate that in most instances a high percentage of each category has been identified. For the most part, age and monthly benefit amount size distributions seem reasonable. Furthermore, very few persons in the sample who were identified as Social Security beneficiaries could not be assigned to one or another of the benefit groups. The classification procedure also represents a marked improvement over earlier efforts to classify type of beneficiary that relied on data from the March Supplement to the Current Population Survey (CPS). Most importantly, the benefit classification scheme based on SIPP data appears to provide reasonably reliable distinctions between retired-worker and widow benefits for widowed women and permits the identification of retired-worker benefits for those women dually entitled to retired-worker and spouse benefits. In addition, the distinction between disabled- and retired-worker benefits for recipients aged 62-64 appears to be reasonably reliable, and for women under age 65, the classification procedure distinguishes between disabled-worker benefits on the one hand and widow and widowed mother benefits on the other. Finally, SIPP procedures for identifying minor child beneficiaries yield markedly better estimates than those available from the Current Population Survey. These improvements in the SIPP context are due entirely to the presence of information not collected in the CPS. The enhancement of the SIPP data set in turn resulted directly from an assessment of earlier work carried out by Projector and Bretz in the CPS context and on extensive research into the nature of Social Security reporting errors in the CPS. The superiority of the SIPP data set is linked principally to the presence of three pieces of information: the Medicare BIC, the direct question on reasons for benefit receipt asked of persons under age 65, and the direct measurement of recipiency and amount of benefits for minor children. Other items of some import include self-reported work disability, retirement status (ever retired from a job), previous marital status for currently married women, age first prevented from working due to a health condition, and Supplemental Security Income misreporting items.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)
Worldwide trends and developments in social security, 1985-87.
This article highlights major trends and developments in social security programs featured in the publication Social Security Programs Throughout the World, 1987. Certain developments observable in industrialized countries, especially in Europe--continuing high unemployment levels, particularly among the young; growing numbers of long-term unemployed; and aging populations--tend to create financial instability in social security programs. Thus, as program costs continue to rise, the emphasis on cost-effective use of social security funds becomes more pronounced. In the period under review, this concern is reflected in the widening interest in mandated private pension supplementation of social security, as well as in measures to encourage employment. In developing countries, a strengthening of programs for families and, in some instances, a lowering of the retirement age are noted, in addition to a general expansion in the benefit structure of the work-injury program.
Social Security: a financial appraisal for the median voter.
Several explanations have been proposed for why voters continue to support unfunded social security systems. Browning (1975) suggests that the extremely large unfunded pension systems of most democracies depend on the existence of a voting majority composed of middle-aged and older people who fail to fully internalize the cost of financing the system. In fact, when voting, economically rational workers consider only their current and future contributions to the system and their expected pension benefits--not their past contributions, which they regard as sunk costs. If, for a majority of voters, the expected continuation return from social security exceeds the return from alternative assets, an unfunded social security system is politically sustainable. This article explores the validity of Browning's proposition by quantifying the returns that U.S. voters in presidential elections from 1964 to 1996 have obtained, or expect to obtain, from Social Security. Did "investments" in Social Security outperform alternative forms of investment, such as mutual funds or pension funds, for a majority of the voters? What can be expected for the future? The U.S. Social Security system redistributes income within age cohorts on the basis of sex, income, and marital status. To account for some of these features, the median voter is represented by a family unit whose members--a husband who accounts for 70 percent of household earnings and a wife who accounts for 30 percent--make joint economic and voting decisions. Thus, retirement and survival benefits paid out to the spouse of an insured worker can be included in the calculation of Social Security returns. Interval estimates of voters' family incomes from the U.S. Census Bureau were used to obtain the median voter's household earnings. The median voter's age is derived from the ages of those who voted in presidential elections, not from the ages of the entire electorate. The median voter's contributions to Social Security are the product of the joint employer/employee Old-Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) tax rate and employee earnings. Data on actual contributions are available for median voters in the 1964 to 1976 elections; Social Security Administration (SSA) estimates are used for future tax rates and average wage growth rates. Data on actual old-age, retirement, and survivor benefits, as well as estimates of future benefits, are also available from SSA. Analysis of ex-post returns from "investing" in Social Security and from a buy-and-hold strategy applied to three alternative assets--the Standard & Poor's Composite Index (S&P), the Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJIA), and U.S. government bonds--shows surprising results. In 1964 and 1968, Social Security largely outperformed the other three assets. In 1972, Social Security and the stock market performed almost equally. In 1976, however, the median voter would have been better off in the stock market. The expected returns for median voters in later elections cannot be directly compared with realized returns from alternative assets. However, estimates range from 5.7 percent in 1984 to 7.0 percent in 1996 and thus compare favorably with average returns of 5.6 percent for S&P, 5.3 percent for DJIA, and 2.1 percent for government bonds over the 1964-1996 period. Although these findings must be taken with caution since they compare ex-post returns, they show that, despite a continuous reduction in profitability, Social Security still represents a safe, high-return asset for a majority of families.
Individual social security accounts: issues in assessing administrative feasibility and costs.
Whether to add individual accounts (IAs) to the Social Security system is a highly political issue. But almost lost in the debate so far have been any practical considerations about how to administer such accounts. Any discussion of whether to create individual accounts must also address the basic but critical questions of how they would work: Who would run them? What would they cost? Logistically, are they even possible? This EBRI Issue Brief provides an overview of the most salient administrative issues facing the current Social Security reform debate--issues that challenge proponents to carefully think through how their proposals could be implemented so as to achieve their policy goals. The options and difficulties in administering IAs raise concerns that cut across ideology. The object of this report is neither to dissuade the advocates nor support the critics of individual accounts. Rather, it is to bring practical considerations to a political debate that has largely ignored the pragmatic challenges of whether IAs would be too complex for participants to understand or too difficult for record keepers to administer. The major findings in this analysis include: Adding individual accounts to Social Security could be the largest undertaking in the history of the U.S. financial market, and no system to date has the capacity to administer such a system. The number of workers currently covered by Social Security--the largest single entitlement program in the nation--is at least four times higher than the combined number of all tax-favored employment-based retirement accounts in the United States, which are administered by hundreds of entities. Direct comparisons between employment-based retirement savings plans and Social Security reform are tenuous at best. Social Security covers workers and businesses that are disproportionately excluded from employment-based plans. Because of these differences, a system of individual Social Security accounts would be more difficult to administer than employment-based plans, and total administrative expenses would be larger relative to benefits. Credit-based systems such as the current Social Security program are less difficult to administer than cash-based systems, which must account for every dollar. Inherent in the "privatization" debate is generally the presumption that IA benefits would be based on cash contributions and investment returns. The current credit-based system tolerates small errors in wage reporting, because they rarely affect benefits. But every dollar counts in a cash-based IA system. To ensure that benefits are properly provided, an IA system would require more regulation, oversight, and error reconciliation than the current Social Security program. Social Security individual accounts cannot be administered like 401(k) plans without adding significant employer burdens--especially on small businesses. Under the current wage reporting and tax collection process, it would take at least 7-19 months for every dollar contributed to an individual's account to be sorted out from aggregate payments and credited to his or her IA. This 7-19 month "float period" could result in substantial benefit losses over time. Options for preventing such losses involve difficult trade-offs, such as increased government responsibility, increased complexity, greater employer burdens, and/or investment restrictions for beneficiaries. If legally considered personal property, the IAs of married participants could pose significant administrative challenges. Social Security today must obtain proof of marriage only at the time spousal benefits are claimed. But some IA proposals would require contributions to be split between spouses' individual accounts, requiring records on participants' marital status to be continuously update to ensure that contributions are correctly directed. Also, dealing with claims on individual account contributions in divorce cases could place IA record keepers in the middle o
Social security: a program and policy history.
Many of the federal and state programs that provide income security to U.S. families have their roots in the Social Security Act (the Act) of 1935. This Act provided for unemployment insurance, old-age insurance, and means-tested welfare programs. The Great Depression was clearly a catalyst for the Social Security Act of 1935, and some of its provisions--notably the means-tested programs--were intended to offer immediate relief to families. However, the old-age insurance program-the precursor to today's Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance, or Social Security, program-was not designed specifically to deal with the economic crisis of that era. Indeed, monthly benefit payments, under the original Act, were not scheduled to begin until 1942. In addition, from the beginning, the Social Security program has embodied social insurance principles that were widely discussed even before the onset of the Great Depression. The first four decades of the Social Security program were, in general, ones of expansion. In fact, the program was expanded even before it became truly operational. In 1939, amendments added child, spouse, and survivor benefits to the retirement benefits authorized by the 1935 Act. Those amendments also allowed for monthly benefits to begin in 1940. Although the program was not changed substantially during the war years and the initial postwar period, the 1950s were a transformational decade in the program's history: benefit amounts were increased substantially, coverage under the program became close to universal, and a new disability insurance benefit was offered. The 1960s witnessed additional growth in Social Security, but the most important development in social insurance occurred in health insurance, with the creation of the Medicare program in 1965. Legislative actions in the 1970s had profound effects on the Social Security program and, indeed, set the stage for many of today's reform debates. Large benefit increases, a new benefit formula that was erroneously generous, and other changes in the early 1970s created a situation in which annual program costs, as a share of gross domestic product, increased during a 12-year period from about 3 percent to 5 percent. In 1977, amendments to the Act corrected the flawed benefit formula and made other changes in the financing of the system to shore up the program. Thus, the 1970s represent a watershed in the program's history-program growth gave way to increasing concerns about the program's finances. Those concerns were reflected in the amendments to the Act in 1983, which were the last major changes to the program. These amendments, based largely on recommendations from a commission chaired by Alan Greenspan, adjusted benefits and taxes to address pressing near-term financing problems faced by the system. Although the Greenspan Commission focused to a large extent on short-range issues, the resulting reforms have generated large surpluses in the program and the buildup of a substantial trust fund. However, the looming retirement of the baby boomers and several other demographic factors will, according to projections, result in the exhaustion of the trust fund by 2042.
Federal old-age, survivors, and disability insurance and supplemental security income for the aged, blind, and disabled; evaluating opinion evidence. Social Security Administration. Final rules.
We are revising the Social Security and Supplemental Security Income (SSI) regulations concerning the evaluation of medical opinions to clarify how administrative law judges and the Appeals Council are to consider opinion evidence from State agency medical and psychological consultants, other program physicians and psychologists, and medical experts we consult in claims for disability benefits under titles II and XVI of the Social Security Act (the Act). We are also defining and clarifying several terms used in our regulations and deleting other terms.