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The American abortion debate: culture war or normal discourse?

This paper investigates whether James Hunter's culture war thesis is an apt characterization of the American abortion debate. The author focuses on three arguments central to Hunter's analysis: 1) that the abortion debate involves two paradigmatically opposed world views; 2) that debate about abortion, since it involves moral discourse, is structurally different than other political debates; and 3) that the new alignments in abortion politics are culturally significant. Examining existing research in each of these three domains, the author finds that the debate over abortion is more complex than suggested by Hunter. World views of pro-life and pro-choice activists, for example, share a commitment to some overlapping values; the argumentative structure of abortion discourse has a pattern rather similar to that of political debate more generally, and new alignments on abortion, such as that between the Catholic Church and the Southern Baptist Convention, do not displace historically embedded differences in symbolic resources and cultural orientation. As suggested by the author, it may be more helpful, therefore, to think of the abortion debate as an ongoing public conversation about America's cultural tradition and how it should be variously expressed in contemporary laws and practices.

Abortion, Induced↗

Abortion attitudes and practices of family and general practice physicians.

BACKGROUND: Approximately 1.5 million abortions are performed each year in the United States. Little information has been published on the abortion attitudes and practices of family physicians. The object of this investigation was to assess the abortion attitudes and practices of family and general practice physicians in Kansas. METHODS: A 19-item self-administered survey questionnaire was designed and mailed to 856 family and general practice physicians in Kansas. RESULTS: A 63% survey response rate was obtained. Seventy-eight percent of the physicians reported that abortion should be legal, but only 56% of the respondents classified themselves as pro-choice. Conversely, only 8% reported that legal abortion should not be available, even though 33% classified themselves as pro-life. The majority of physicians reported that abortion is an appropriate option to save the life of the mother, in cases of rape or incest, and when a fetal anomaly is diagnosed. Only three respondents (0.5%) had performed abortions during the previous year. In general, female physicians and physicians over the age of 40 years (regardless of sex) were more likely to be pro-choice and to view a woman's personal decision as a circumstance in which abortion may be appropriate. CONCLUSIONS: Physician's views about abortion and their practice patterns are important components of health care for thousands of women each day.

Abortion, Induced↗

Orientations toward abortion: guilty or knowledge?

Students (N = 118) were classified as pro-choice, anti-abortion, or mixed on the basis of their responses to ten fictitious case histories of females who requested abortion. The distribution of participants on the abortion issue was quite similar to the results of a 1979 national survey. As expected, these groups differed on attitudes toward abortion as murder, the legalization of abortion, and the morality of premarital sex. The groups differed significantly in levels of sex guilt, but did not exhibit significant differences in levels of sexual knowledge. The results were discussed within the context of the public controversy over abortion. It was suggested that the affective messages accompanying the sexual socialization of children and adolescents may be more predictive of orientations toward abortion than the weight of intellectual arguments regarding the rights of the fetus, the point at which a fetus becomes viable, or a woman's right to have control over her own body.

Abortion, Legal↗

Health care reformers hear from pro-choice colleagues, Catholic bishops.

On July 13, more than 6 dozen House members signed their names to a letter sent to Speaker Thomas Foley (D-WA) indicating that they would not support a health care reform measure if it did not include abortion coverage. Drafted by Representatives Patricia Schroeder (D-CO) and Peter DeFazio (D-OR), the letter stated that "...any health care reform package that comes before the House must contain coverage for contraceptive and abortion services if it is to gain our support." Speaking at a news conference releasing the letter, Representative Don Edwards (D-CA) said, "I resent that certain religious groups are entering this political fight in Congress." Rep. Edwards was referring to a National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB) campaign to oppose "any health care bill that requires coverage of abortion" announced on the same day. The NCCB represents the top leaders in the nation's Roman Catholic church, which has 25,000 parishes across the country. In a letter sent to 30 Congressional leaders, the NCCB reaffirmed its support for universal coverage in a national health plan, but only if abortion is not included. Although not well publicized, an additional component of the NCCB campaign is the push to have Congress allow employers to opt out of coverage for contraception. The Bishops claim to have garnered 5 million cards from people who say they have told their lawmakers of their opposition to any coverage for abortion. The NCCB strategy calls for further grassroots action--including lobbying legislators, a telegram-writing campaign, and town meetings--and a national advertising campaign. In Cleveland, Ohio, the Catholic Diocese's Pro-Life Office announced on July 14 that it would start urging pastors and parishioners to speak out against abortion coverage.

Abortion, Induced↗

Abortion among adolescents: research findings and the current debate.

Utilizing research that focuses on adolescents as well as findings in samples which might have special relevance to young, unmarried women, this report summarizes research on the consequences of abortion among adolescents. It discusses prior literature in the area of parental notification and parental consent, subjects on which public opinion is not divided along familiar pro-choice/anti-choice lines. Following a discussion of methodological problems identified in prior research, it reports on a study designed to address these problems in an adolescent population; it discusses implications for the current debate of this and other studies' findings that there are no identifiable adverse sequelae of the abortion process.

Abortion, Induced↗