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Creativity in familial bipolar disorder.

Studies have demonstrated relationships between creativity and bipolar disorder (BD) in individuals, and suggested familial transmission of both creativity and BD. However, to date, there have been no studies specifically examining creativity in offspring of bipolar parents and clarifying mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of creativity. We compared creativity in bipolar parents and their offspring with BD and bipolar offspring with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) with healthy control adults and their children. 40 adults with BD, 20 bipolar offspring with BD, 20 bipolar offspring with ADHD, and 18 healthy control parents and their healthy control children completed the Barron-Welsh Art Scale (BWAS), an objective measure of creativity. Adults with BD compared to controls scored significantly (120%) higher on the BWAS Dislike subscale, and non-significantly (32%) higher on the BWAS Total scale. Mean BWAS Dislike subscale scores were also significantly higher in offspring with BD (107% higher) and offspring with ADHD (91% higher) than in healthy control children. Compared to healthy control children, offspring with BD had 67% higher and offspring with ADHD had 40% higher BWAS Total scores, but these differences failed to reach statistical significance when adjusted for age. In the bipolar offspring with BD, BWAS Total scores were negatively correlated with duration of illness. The results of this study support an association between BD and creativity and contribute to a better understanding of possible mechanisms of transmission of creativity in families with genetic susceptibility for BD. This is the first study to show that children with and at high risk for BD have higher creativity than healthy control children. The finding in children and in adults was related to an enhanced ability to experience and express dislike of simple and symmetric images. This could reflect increased access to negative affect, which could yield both benefits with respect to providing affective energy for creative achievement, but also yield liabilities with respect to quality of interpersonal relationships or susceptibility to depression.

Adolescent↗

An investigation into the relationship among ADHD symptomatology, creativity, and neuropsychological functioning in children.

This paper examined the relationship between creativity and ADHD symptomatology. First, the presence of ADHD symptomatology within a creative sample was explored. Secondly, the relationship between cognitive functioning and ADHD symptomatology was examined by comparing four groups, aged 10-12 years: 1) 29 ADHD children without creativity, 2) 12 creative children with ADHD symptomatology, 3) 18 creative children without ADHD symptomatology, and 4) 30 controls. Creativity, intelligence, processing speed, reaction time, working memory, and inhibitory control were measured. Results showed that 40% of the creative children displayed clinically elevated levels of ADHD symptomatology, but none met full criteria for ADHD. With regard to cognitive functioning, both ADHD and creative children with ADHD symptoms had deficits in naming speed, processing speed, and reaction time. For all other cognitive measures the creative group with ADHD symptoms outperformed the ADHD group. These findings have implications for the development and management of creative children.

Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity↗

The creative person as maverick.

The innate talents that are the essence of creativity are associated with a particular type of character structure. The child's creative potential has to be supported by the infantile milieu, which also happens to have a characteristic stamp. Within this context of personality configurations and developmental antecedents associated with creative ability, there can be considerable variation. I am not postulating a specific or stereotypic creative character. There are, however, certain qualities that can be found in various character types (and can even exist alongside psychopathology) that are often found in creative scientists and perhaps artists as well. I believe the maverick often possesses these character traits and many of the scientists I have had the opportunity of treating proudly considered themselves mavericks. The creative personality is characterized by paradoxes; these cast it in the maverick mold. Possessors of this personality belong and do not belong. They do not break the rules but bend them a little. They are nonconformists but not rebels. They display many features that do not seem to belong together. The paradoxical qualities that dominate the creator's personality and behavior are the outcome of a certain fluidity of character and ego boundaries. The creative process involves a broad range of functioning and traverses various levels of the psyche, frequently reaching down to the very earliest, primary-process-oriented parts of the self. Ego boundaries, in turn, can become quite fluid and permeable, even though they are ordinarily firmly established and well structured. It is this broad spectrum, a prominent feature of the creative process (Giovacchini, 1965, 1971, 1981), that has been often confused with psychopathology. These paradoxical elements are the outcome of an infantile environment that has provided considerable gratification. Again the early milieu of creative personalities may be extremely varied, but there has always been some person or persons who have had a considerable emotional investment in the child. As the developing psyche incorporates and introjects these gratifying and security-establishing experiences, they become amalgamated into the self-representation. In the face of adversity, they provide confidence and reassurance and allow the creator to soothe him- or herself when upset by inner tension. Consequently, creative scientists do not depend so much on the outer world as they do on inner resources. One scientist told me that he could not understand how anyone could ever be bored. Even if he were denied access to his work, he could always find something interesting to do or explore.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Aptitude↗

Creativity and imagery in men and women.

This study investigated the relationship between creativity, imagery, and sex-role orientation in men and women. Instruments measuring creativity, creative production, imagery, and sex-role orientation were administered to 163 students enrolled in introductory psychology. The results showed that creative ability and vividness of imagery were related in women but not in men, whereas creative ability and creative production were related in men but not in women. Creative ability correlated with femininity whereas creative production correlated with masculinity. The author concluded that: (1) men and women show differing patterns of cognitive functioning in the creative process; and (2) men and women differ in the utilization of their creative capacity possibly due to the influence of sex-role stereotypes.

Auditory Perception↗

Figure reversals and creativity: a research note.

In a series of studies, Bergum and Bergum (1979a, 1979b) noted a positive relationship between college students' self-perceptions of creativity and their passive rates of ambiguous figure reversal. While these authors suggest that a relationship may also exist between figure-reversal rate and creativity, as assessed by external measures, their research does not support this claim. Indeed, other research has not substantiated a relationship between rate of figure reversal and objective tests of creativity (Bloomberg, 1971; Bergum & Flamm, 1975). It may also be the case that students' perceptions of their own creative ability differ markedly from externally-derived measures of such ability. As part of a larger study relating figure-reversal rate, creativity, and handedness, the present authors attempted to replicate and extend the work of Bergum and Bergum through the use of professors' judgments of students' creativity. The subjects were 48 senior students of architecture (40 males, 8 females). Each student initially read a description of six factors commonly associated with creativity in the psychological literature and then rated himself in creative ability in comparison to his classmates. In accordance with Bergum and Bergum (1979a, 1979b), the students passively viewed (and recorded) figure reversals of six ambiguous figures. The six figures were presented for 60 sec. each, with 10-sec. intervals, in two random orders. Students' creative ability was also determined from rankings by two architecture professors who were familiar with the students' work. To guide their rankings, the professors used the same description of creativity as was given to the students.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

Adult↗

Imagery, creativity, and emergent structure.

Recent advances in the field of creative cognition have helped to reveal the cognitive structures and processes that are involved in creative thinking and imagination. This article begins by reviewing recent studies of creative imagery that have explored the emergent properties of mental images. The geneplore model of creative cognition, which describes how preinventive structures such as creative mental images are generated and interpreted, is then discussed. In discussing this model and its implications, a distinction is made between aspects of creative imagery that reflect conscious, deliberate control and those that reflect the absence of such control, as illustrated particularly by the emergence of unanticipated structures in imagined forms. The intentional, structured qualities of creative thinking are then contrasted with its spontaneous, unstructured qualities. The article concludes by discussing the recent topics of chaotic cognition and creative realism and how they bear on the general issue of balancing structured and unstructured processes in creative endeavors.

Cognitive Science↗

Peacocks, Picasso, and parental investment: The effects of romantic motives on creativity.

Four experiments explored the effects of mating motivation on creativity. Even without other incentives to be creative, romantic motives enhanced creativity on subjective and objective measures. For men, any cue designed to activate a short-term or a long-term mating goal increased creative displays; however, women displayed more creativity only when primed to attract a high-quality long-term mate. These creative boosts were unrelated to increased effort on creative tasks or to changes in mood or arousal. Furthermore, results were unaffected by the application of monetary incentives for creativity. These findings align with the view that creative displays in both sexes may be linked to sexual selection, qualified by unique exigencies of human parental investment.

Adolescent↗

Psychoanalytic contributions to the generation of creativity in children.

This paper describes the major characteristics of the concept of creativity: (1) originality and uniqueness, (2) comprehensibility to others, (3) utility, (4) generalizability to allied and other fields, (5) a capacity for continued and repeated creative outputs in similar and/or different fields, and (6) a capacity to stimulate others to artistic, literary, or scientific originality. Consideration is given to out limited current knowledge of hereditary factors contributing to creativity, in contrast to familial factors which are likely to include environmental contributions. A review follows of psychiatric and psychoanalytic observations on the enhancement or inhibition, during child development, of the innate capacity to be creative in children and adults. In regard to the development of creative prowess, emphasis is placed on the importance of preserving and encouraging the use of primary-process thinking in children so that this mental activity can be called upon at will. Emphasized also is the importance of the availability of examples of creative ability in parental behavior as well as in the kinship and social networks to which the child is exposed. The encouragement of analogical thinking and imagination in children and the development of the ability to turn on and off such mental activity by secondary-process thinking is stressed. Hence, in the enhancement of the creative process in children, catalytic parent-child rearing and exposure to creative people are key elements. Three brief case examples are given in which the creative potential was blocked or inhibited and later released by psychoanalytic psychotherapy.

Adolescent↗

From aggressiveness to creativity.

Psychology has a long tradition of considering human creativity as a distinct human characteristic and a special kind of human activity. After explaining the key motives for such an attitude, the author discusses those forms of healthy aggressiveness that stand out as necessary and constitutive elements of the creative process. Taking the well-known statement of C. G. Jung's 'The person who does not build (create), will demolish and destroy' as a starting point, the author compares the basic premises for understanding the process of human creativity, at the same time drawing on Freud's psychology of the individual and Jung's principle of the collective unconscious as well as his notion of 'complexes'. In doing so, the author somewhat boldly paraphrases Jung's dictum: 'In order to be creative, rather than just constructive, one must occasionally also destroy'. With reference to Wallas, Taylor and Neumann (Wallas 1926; Taylor 1959;;Neumann 2001), the author goes on to explore those concepts which help us to investigate the phenomenon of human creativity, drawing distinctions between emergent, expressive, productive, inventive and innovative creativity. The second part of the article discusses the importance of intelligence, originality, nonconformity, subversiveness and free-mindedness for the creative process of human beings. The author concludes with a further explanation of Erich Neumann's argument that human creativity cannot be understood solely as a result of sociogenetic factors, and argues that it is only by taking into consideration Jung's perception of creativity that a global ontological understanding of these processes can be achieved.

Aggression↗

What grounds creativity?

"Developmental or ordinary creativity" is distinguished from "genius creativity." The former offers pleasure or distraction. The latter sometimes offers this, but tarrying before the product of genius also brings a new understanding of one's culture, one's self, and even an experience of transcendence. The concepts of Heidegger and of Gadamer are applied to this distinction. All serious artists are seen as manifesting one or more of three aspects: (1) driven by creative genius from the biological furnace of the individual, (2) temporary regressions and exhaustion of ego function, and (3) an anxiety-driven process resting on a constitutional ability to shift levels of ego activities and compromise formations. Falling in love is discussed as another example of creative imagination based on the need to solve psychological discomfort either due to developmental or pathological problems. Creativity in psychoanalytic work is an important factor that needs to be explored in addition to the fact that every country seems to create the approach to psychoanalysis that it needs. Emotional illness is demonstrated as hindering and constricting creativity, not enhancing it as is the popular idea. Some seriously psychopathological artists are able to wall off the pathology and sublimate their conflicts into the production of art, but creativity requires a relatively intact ego; when the ego deteriorates, so does the creative product. An important spring to genius creativity is the nonrecognition of the extremely talented child, which leads to solitary activity and an immersion in ideas and fantasies that, if the person has the requisite talent, is manifested in the expression of truth and beauty through art.

Creativity↗

Creativity: self-perceptions over time.

This study explores creativity and motivation in the second half of life. While many quantitative studies on creativity show decline with advancing age, there is some evidence that creativity may change qualitatively over time. The purpose of this study is to elucidate self-perceived changes in creativity over the life span. The participants included visual artists, both working and retired. A total of 21 adults, ages 53 to 75, participated in the study. Ten of the artists were interviewed in depth regarding the perception of their own creativity over time. Another 11 artists participated in two separate focus groups. All of the participants represented their perceived creativity using an adaptation of the Creative Life-Line Curve (CLLC; Romaniuk, Romaniuk, Sprecher, & Cones, 1983). Findings indicated that participants do not perceive a decline in creativity with age. In-depth analysis of the interviews included qualitative coding to establish a number of themes that permeated the self-perceptions regarding changes in creativity over time. These themes were found to exemplify many of the concepts inherent in the life-span developmental perspective.

Aged↗

Incremental effects of reward on creativity.

The authors examined 2 ways reward might increase creativity. First, reward contingent on creativity might increase extrinsic motivation. Studies 1 and 2 found that repeatedly giving preadolescent students reward for creative performance in 1 task increased their creativity in subsequent tasks. Study 3 reported that reward promised for creativity increased college students' creative task performance. Second, expected reward for high performance might increase creativity by enhancing perceived self-determination and, therefore, intrinsic task interest. Study 4 found that employees' intrinsic job interest mediated a positive relationship between expected reward for high performance and creative suggestions offered at work. Study 5 found that employees' perceived self-determination mediated a positive relationship between expected reward for high performance and the creativity of anonymous suggestions for helping the organization.

Creativity↗

On the enhancement of creativity by alcohol: pharmacology or expectation?

Creative individuals may use psychoactive drugs to enhance their ability to produce creative works, but it is difficult to differentiate the pharmacological effects from other influences. Part of the problem is that creativity defies any simple definition, making it hard to determine when or how much creativity is evident. The other major obstacle is that life circumstances are confounded with the propensity to use drugs (including alcohol), so the causal relation of drugs to creativity is uncertain. We examined this question by an experiment in which subjects were asked to creatively combine pictures of wildflowers that were implicitly organized around a set of three dimensions: color, shape, and number. Pharmacological and expected effects of alcohol were dissociated in the experiment by using the balanced placebo design (BPD). The results showed no pharmacological effect of alcohol on the creative combinations that subjects produced. However, the novelty and structural recombination of the wildflower arrangements were enhanced when subjects thought they had consumed alcohol, whether or not they had actually done so. Implications for measuring creativity and the possible motivation to use drugs for creative effect are discussed.

Adult↗

Creativity in biology and in the human mind (manifestation of concepts).

The article is based on the widely held notion that creativity is a phenomenon studied in two branches of the science of life: psychology (in a wide sense) on one side, and evolutionary biology on the other. Therefore, an analysis of creativity of the mind should contribute to the solution of problems in biological evolution, problems which cannot be fully explained by the orthodox assumption of small steps of mutation and selection. This analysis is restricted to three classes of creativity, which are: a) organismal creativity, as exemplified by the creation of organs such as "eye" and "heart". b) mental-scientific creativity, exemplified by Newton's notion of "gravity" between planets and stars. c) mental-technological creativity, exemplified by Gutenberg's invention of "printing by movable types". The analysis of these classes is based on concepts, which are interrelated structurally by means of propositions. Two types of propositions are distinguished: factual ones named "cognita", and hypothetical ones named "hypothetical episodes". A further basis of the analysis is the assumption that creativity consists of several phases, of which incubation and insight are the essential ones. In carrying out the analysis, the writer shows that incubation functions on two or three lines of thought, one of which can be expressed by factual cognita, and the other ones predominantly by hypothetical episodes. Those several lines are integrated by means of logical implication, by which insight into a novel concept is obtained. In a second method of analysis, the several lines of incubation are represented by networks. In this method, the novel concept is obtained by integrating the individual networks into a common structure. It is proved that the methods of analysis described above can be applied to all three classes of creativity definined previously. Drawing conclusions from the analysis, the writer points out that the organismal concepts were manifested in biological evolution many millions of years prior to the appearance of man and his brain on earth. The writer, therefore, argues that a great number of concepts are not a creation of man's mind, but are entities which pre-existed man and were manifested to him. Such concepts may be conceived as forming a time-independent "conceptual universe" external to the "material universe" of galaxies, stars and organisms. Thus, for example, the concept of an "eye" was manifested in biological evolution as the organ "eye" of many organisms. Much later, this concept was manifested to man, when he invented the optical camera.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Animals↗

The roots of creativity.

The various factors which seem to be important in the creative child with extraordinary potential include: A good biologic endowment, often with high intelligence and a correlation between special sensory sensitivities and other physical requirements to implement the special interest. There is also sometimes the capacity to utilize or else compensate for deficit. The fostering of interests by a parent or interested adult. Specific kinds of ongoing encouragement. Sometimes there is self-selection of interest by the child. The child must feel valued and loved. The family background and relationship of parents centers on the child. The time, place, and institutions foster the development of interest and value of the work and the child's belief in its value. The child is allowed freedom of development, without undue inhibition or restriction. Creative people have shown uneven development--the child is not "age-specific" generally. Gifted children have been observed to tolerate isolation and even loneliness well--these are often necessary conditions for developing skills. For some creative people, early object losses seem to be frequent. The creative child is curious and a keen observer. The creative child has an uncanny ability to make connections--to perceive similarities in the apparently dissimilar. The creative child is not hampered by conventional thought. The creative child has a capacity for love and devotion--or at least a positive orientation; a spiritness or passion; and a spirituality or unworldliness. It has been said that the poetic truths in a work of art are only half understood by its creator. Generally conveyed subliminally, these truths are revealed in different ways to different audiences at different times. Such is the view of William Livingstone (1987), and considering the childhood antecedents of creative work helps to understand why this is so.

Child↗

Beneficial and detrimental modeling effects on creative response production.

Enhancement of creativity through various educational "training" methods or external factors fostering creative production has long been demonstrated. The assumption has been that creativity exists as a given quantity in trait form, or that progressive learning takes place. Social observational modeling is investigated here as a technique that can both increase and decrease level of creative production in the individual despite every opportunity presented to respond freely and without (a) resort to any direct education or reinforcement methods or (b) the presence of environmental constraints. One hundred and twenty female university students were assessed for creativity on one figural and one verbal task of the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking and the components of fluence, flexibility, originality, and elaboration. Ss then observed either high, low, or no figural creative model performance based on normative responses of past Ss and were reassessed on alternate test forms. Reassessment showed both predicted increases and decreases in component verbal creativity scores.

Creativity↗

Exercise enhances creativity independently of mood.

OBJECTIVES: It has been widely accepted in the literature that various forms of physical exercise, even in a single session, enhance positive mood. It has also been shown that physical exercise may sometimes enhance creative thinking, but the evidence is inconclusive. Positive moods can favour creative thinking, but the opposite has also been reported and these relations are unclear. There is a large anecdotal literature suggesting that creative people sometimes use bodily movement to help overcome "blocks". The aim of this study was to establish whether post-exercise creative thinking was attributable to improved mood. METHODS: The responses of 63 participants to an exercise (aerobic workout or aerobic dance) and a "neutral" video watching condition were compared. Mood was measured using an adjective list, and creative thinking was tested by three measures of the Torrance test. RESULTS: Analysis of variance showed a large and significant increase in positive mood after exercise (P < 0.001) and a significant decrease in positive mood after video watching (P < 0.001). A significant increase between the creative thinking scores of the two conditions was found on the flexibility (variety of responses) measure (P < 0.05). A multifactorial analysis of all data failed to show a significant covariance of creative thinking with the two measures of mood (P > 0.05). CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest that mood and creativity were improved by physical exercise independently of each other.

Adult↗

The cognitive neuroscience of creativity.

This article outlines a framework of creativity based on functional neuroanatomy. Recent advances in the field of cognitive neuroscience have identified distinct brain circuits that are involved in specific higher brain functions. To date, these findings have not been applied to research on creativity. It is proposed that there are four basic types of creative insights, each mediated by a distinctive neural circuit. By definition, creative insights occur in consciousness. Given the view that the working memory buffer of the prefrontal cortex holds the content of consciousness, each of the four distinctive neural loops terminates there. When creativity is the result of deliberate control, as opposed to spontaneous generation, the prefrontal cortex also instigates the creative process. Both processing modes, deliberate and spontaneous, can guide neural computation in structures that contribute emotional content and in structures that provide cognitive analysis, yielding the four basic types of creativity. Supportive evidence from psychological, cognitive, and neuroscientific studies is presented and integrated in this article. The new theoretical framework systematizes the interaction between knowledge and creative thinking, and how the nature of this relationship changes as a function of domain and age. Implications for the arts and sciences are briefly discussed.

Age Factors↗