Senate votes abortion funding expansion as right wing is rebuffed on Title X, AIDS.
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This article addresses the issue of the resistance of European nations to granting unnaturalized citizens the right to vote in local, regional, and national elections. It argues that this political inflexibility contrasts with the economic flexibility these nations demonstrated when they made a call for labor to overseas populations, former colonies, and other countries, and which they exhibit now as they work to modernize production systems in their industries. Because of this lack of political representation, local authorities have proven disinterested in migrants' concerns and migrants have become subjects of the labor market, rather than of the law. Overall "political underdevelopment" will only intensify the turbulence projected for Europe's economy.
The Pediatric Association of the Republic of China, which was founded in 1960 for the promotion of child health care, research and teaching as well as of friendship among pediatricians, entered the International Pediatric Association (IPA) in May, 1961. This Association actively participated in the 10th to 13th International Congresses of Pediatrics (ICP) held in Lisbon 1962, Tokyo 1965, Mexico City 1968 and Vienna 1971, respectively. It also sent a group of delegates to the Ist Asian Congress of Pediatrics, organized by the Association of Pediatric Societies in South East Asian Region (APSSEAR), held in Manila in 1974. Regretably, this Association was forced out of IPA in October 1973, and APSSEAR in 1974, simply because that the pediatric society of Mainland China had been admitted to the IPA. The members of the Association continued working hard and strived for the excellence in clinical pediatrics. Our members were encouraged to attend the international meetings regardless of membership problems. Some international meetings were organized and held in Taiwan attracting many experts and investigators from abroad. In July 1989, this Association was readmitted to the IPA under the name of "Chinese Taipei", likewise in Olympics, during the 19th ICP, held in Paris. Also granted was the right of voting. Re-admission to the APSSEAR was also approved. With gratitude and rejoice, we commemorate the return to International arena. It is hoped that more expert advices and friendship will come from IPA, WHO, UNICEF, and some member countries. They may help us update clinical practices, and engage in more important surveys and research programmes, such as the international surveys on pediatric education, expanded programmes for immunization, and global accident prevention programmes. They may also help us achieve our unfulfilled tasks, such as pediatric subspecialization, renovation of the births registration system, founding of children's medical centers and health insurance coverage among children. We are now in a better position to advocate the child health care in Taiwan, hoping that health for all including children will be achieved by the year 2000.
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In November, Oregon became one of the first jurisdictions outside the Netherlands to allow physician-assisted suicide. Voters decided by a narrow 51% to 49% margin to pass a Death With Dignity Act, which allows terminally ill patients to receive a fatal prescription from a doctor after they meet several criteria. Observers note that the act's scope is narrow and that it would not have aided Sue Rodriguez, the British Columbia patient who went to court in an attempt to win the right to assisted suicide.
This study presents a survey of state statutes which restrict the civil rights of persons with a mental illness or who have been declared mentally incompetent. Five civil rights (jury service, voting, holding public office, marriage, and parenting) are examined. The results of the 1999 study are compared with the results of a 1989 study, to reveal any trends in the restriction of the civil rights of those suffering from mental problems. This comparison reveals that states continue to restrict the rights of the mentally ill and incompetent, and that there is a trend toward increased restriction of the familial rights of marriage and parenting.
The Quebec Water Policy was launched in November 2002 in support of reform of the water governance. One of the government commitments is to gradually implement watershed-based management for 33 major watercourses located primarily in the St. Lawrence plain. At the local and regional levels, watershed organizations are responsible for implementing integrated management, from a sustainable-development perspective, by preparing a master plan for water (MPW), which will include watercourses, lakes, wetlands and aquifers. These watershed organizations rely on public consultation, as well as local and regional expertise, on the responsibilities for water of the municipalities and regional county municipalities of the territory, as well as those of the ministries and other government agencies. They are also required to observe national priorities regarding protection, restoration, and development of water resources and to comply with relevant guidelines, directives, standards, regulations, and legislation. The role of watershed organizations is to act as planning and consultation tables. Government representatives are present, on the initial process, as the facilitator and for scientific and technical support. They do not have, at this moment, any voting or decisional rights. After two years, integrated water management mobilized water stakeholders on watersheds and they are on their way to initiating their first MPW.
What do pharmacists need to know, and what should they be doing in their practice of pharmacy? These questions have not been adequately answered by the profession. In March 1990, the American Pharmaceutical Association House of Delegates votes on the right of pharmacists to exercise judgment in the implementation of standards of practice. Our colleagues in Canada have provided a valuable set of guidelines that are succinct and practical. They are useful as a starting point for anyone who has responsibility for creating position descriptions, writing guidelines for education and training programs, informing third-party reimbursement programs, or establishing regulatory standards. The outline format makes the guidelines easily adaptable, and persons interested are encouraged to use them freely. There will be those who will say that some of the points stated are more applicable for pharmacy technicians, and I would agree. In fact, another use for this document is to consider what parts are appropriate for pharmacy technicians, because more differentiation is needed between the work that pharmacists and technicians do.
The Federal Court of Switzerland ruled that women excluded from voting by cantonal law have the right to challenge the law as a violation of the Constitutional right to equal treatment. It also held, however, that before they can challenge the constitutionality of the law in Federal Court, they must exhaust the remedies available to them in the cantonal courts.
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The paper argues against the polarization of the health economics literature into pro- and anti-QALY camps. In particular, we suggest that a crucial distinction should be made between the QALY measure as a metric of health, and QALY maximization as an applied social choice rule. We argue against the rule but for the measure and that the appropriate conceptualization of health-care rationing decisions should see the main task as the integration of competing and possibly incommensurable normative claim types. We identify the main types as consequences, rights, social contracts, individual votes and community values and note situations in which the contribution of each claim type is limited. We go on to show that the integration of (at least some of) these claim types can be formalized within the mathematical framework provided by non-linear programming.
This article puts forward a parsimonious framework for studying subjective perceptions of real-life intergroup conflicts. Four studies were conducted to explore how individuals perceive the strategic properties of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Studies 1 and 2 found theory-driven associations between people's subjective perception of the conflict's structure as a Chicken, Assurance, or Prisoner's Dilemma game and their ingroup/outgroup perceptions, national identification, religiosity, political partisanship, voting behavior, and right-wing authoritarianism. Studies 3 and 4 manipulated the saliency of the needs for cognitive closure and security, respectively, demonstrating that these needs affect people's endorsement of the game models as descriptions of the conflict.
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The political opponents of legal abortion achieved considerable gains in the 1980 American elections. A president who was committed to a strong antiabortion position was elected, and antiabortion candidates prevailed in six out of seven Senate races that pitted supporters against opponents of legal abortion and in seven out of nine similar confrontations in the House races. However, it is not clear that abortion was an overriding or decisive factor in determining those outcomes. Democrats and Republicans, Carter voters and Reagan voters did not differ significantly in their attitudes toward abortion. The presidential voter groups were divided on several other issues, and along income and racial lines, to a far greater extent than they were on abortion. Voters were not likely to name abortion as one of the more important problems facing the nation. Carter supporters rated abortion as more important than did Reagan supporters. Although the party platforms and the presidential candidates were clearly differentiated in their abortion stands, these differences were not well communicated to the citizenry. When voters attempted to describe the position of each candidate on abortion, they displayed a great deal of uncertainty, error and confusion. In the key Senate races, those who voted for the prochoice candidates held more liberal abortion attitudes than those who voted for the right-to-life candidates. This difference, although statistically significant, was not great, and was smaller than the differences related to several other issues--such as attitudes toward the role of government, women's rights and economic policies.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
For the first time in Israel, hospitalized mentally ill patients were enabled to participate in the election of the prime minister and members of the Knesset (Israeli parliament) held on May 29, 1996. In a demonstration election held in Yehuda Abarbanel Hospital to teach and prepare the patients to vote, the outcome of the vote for the prime minister was identical to the results of the general public vote. The sample vote results for members of the Knesset were slightly different from those in the actual election. The character of the voting in this sample bolsters arguments for the rights of mentally ill individuals to participate in the basic democratic process of voting and should ease any misgivings felt by some of the public about their ability to vote as rationally as other members of the public.
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Firearm morbidity and mortality place an enormous burden on the health care enterprise and society at large. Recent research has shown strong public support for strategies to regulate firearms yet effective federal legislation to control the types of firearms sold, conditions of sale and purchase, limitation in transportation and storage, and responsibility for use of personally owned firearms has been limited. Thus the purpose of this study was to evaluate the relationship between Congressional voting on firearm control legislation and the following: political affiliation, military service, geographic location of representation, education level, sex, and gun rights and gun control contributions. This was accomplished using a retrospective assessment of Congressional voting records from the 103rd-106th Congresses (1993-2000) regarding firearm control legislation. The study found that $6,270,553 was donated to members of Congress, $5,394,049 to members of the House and $876,504 to members of the Senate by groups concerned with firearm legislation. In the House, males (Odds Ratio [OR], 3.87), Republicans (OR, 13), those from the South (OR, 5), and those who received gun rights funds (OR, 13 to 203, depending on level of donations) were more likely to vote pro gun rights. In the Senate, support for gun rights occurred more often for those from the West (OR, 3.56), Republicans (OR, 130.50), or those who had received gun rights donations (OR, 28.00). This study has found a strong and consistent relationship between a Congressional member's position on firearm legislation and the amount of money received, political affiliation, and geographic location of representation.