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Childlessness and marital satisfaction: a further assessment.

Utilizing a stratified random sample of respondents married after the age of 21, this article estimates models of marital satisfaction for theoretically relevant groups of women--voluntarily childless wives, undecided wives, postponing wives, and mothers. Results indicate that all three groups of childless wives have higher mean levels of marital satisfaction than do mothers. More important, the results also suggest that the processes generating marital satisfaction for wives differ depending not only on the presence or absence of children, but also on future childbearing intentions among the childless. Specifically, models of marital satisfaction for the voluntarily childless and undecideds are quite different from those for postponers and mothers. These results are discussed in terms of differences in marital structures and differences in the implied systems of reciprocities characterizing marital interaction and bargaining.

Behavior↗

Childlessness in Helsinki.

Childlessness in Finland is analyzed using data collected by questionnaire from 4,730 women living in Helsinki who participated in a cervical cancer screening program in 1981-1982. "About half (48%) of the women aged 30 had no children. In the age group of 35 years, 28% were nulliparous as were 24% of the women aged 40."

Age Factors↗

Fertility in The Netherlands as an expected value process and developmental readiness.

In this 2-wave panel study, the decision to have children was examined in the context of Feather's (1982) expectancy-value model among a representative sample of 288 childless Dutch adults aged 18-30 years. The effects of 2 indicators of developmental readiness (age and duration of relationship) were also explored. It was expected that (a) the likelihood of having a baby would increase as a function of intentions, evaluations of being childless, and expected rewards of having children and (b) developmental readiness would be positively related to whether respondents had children at the 2nd wave of the study. Structural equation modeling was used. The results largely supported expectations. Developmental readiness affected fertility both directly and indirectly via the expected rewards of having children.

Adolescent↗

Very few couples remain voluntarily childless.

"The secular decline of fertility, which reached its bottommost level between the two world wars, went together with a rise in permanent infertility that was sometimes, in the ideological atmosphere of the time, ascribed to physiological factors, but obviously indicated that some couples were refusing to have children. The signs of a similar pattern in present-day France are much more discreet. Having emerged relatively recently, it is difficult to quantify, but the main problem is that sterility therapy now makes it more difficult to define once and for all a level of infertility beyond which we can speak of ¿refusal to have children'. In an attempt to do so, [the author] uses an impressive range of tools: analysis of vital registration and census data, of ad hoc and general surveys, methods of estimation to fill in the many gaps, fertility models and so on. It is a useful reminder that the understanding of fertility behaviour goes beyond the mere interpretation of individual intentions."

Birth Rate↗

Childless and single-childed women in early twentieth-century America.

Over the course of this century, there have been marked fluctuations in the extent of childlessness and single child fertility. In this article, data from the 1960 U.S. Census are used to examine cohort trends in childlessness and single child motherhood among women born in the years 1891-1925. A marked rise in low parity fertility is found among women who reached prime reproductive ages during the 1930s; cohorts born prior to or after these women had much lower levels of childlessness and single child fertility. This rise and fall in low parity fertility is examined in the light of theories that see its cause as due to changes in 1) demographic composition across cohorts, 2) health levels that affect fecundity and hence fertility, 3) normative prescriptions to bear children and countervailing norms, and 4) economic conditions that affect the degree to which women limit reproduction. A log linear analysis of changes in the composition of cohorts in race, age at marriage, marital history, and education shows that sociodemographic changes do not explain the upturn in low parity fertility. Through an analysis of health statistics and the medical literature, the theory that changing health levels are responsible for the rise and fall in low parity fertility is rejected. The normative and economic theories are found to be most useful in explaining trends in low parity fertility. It is argued that over the course of this century, an interaction between economic conditions and reproductive ideology has both necessitated women limiting their childbearing in times of economic depression and provided justification for this.

Behavior↗

Menarche, menstruation, sexual relations and contraception of adolescent females with Down syndrome.

Fifteen female adolescents with Down syndrome (DS) and 33 female controls without this syndrome were surveyed on age of menarche, menstruation, sexual relations and contraception. All probands and controls were born between 1 January 1965 and 31 December 1970. The day of census was December 31, 1985. All probands and controls were living permanently in the Danish county of Aarhus on this day. Persons close to the DS patients (parents/foster-parents/permanent staff) were interviewed on the above-mentioned topics. All controls were interviewed themselves. The average age of menarche was 13.6 years for probands and 13.5 years for controls. The average duration of the bleeding was 5.5 days for probands and 5.4 days for controls. The average length of the cycle was 28.3 days for probands and 28.6 days for controls. Thirteen DS patients had not had sexual intercourse (no information was available for 2 probands). Twenty-four controls had and 9 had not had sexual intercourse. There is a significant difference between probands and controls concerning use of oral and other contraceptives.

Adolescent↗

Changes in timing of fertility--a Canadian experience.

This paper examines the patterns of timing of births of women using data from the Canadian Fertility Survey of 1984. Semi-Markovian schemes are applied to the maternity histories of the 5315 sample women in their reproductive ages in order to measure the intensity and timing of childbearing. Age-and-duration-specific transition probabilities are found to have substantially changed for the more recent birth cohorts compared to the older cohorts.

Adolescent↗

Attitudes toward childbearing and changes in sexual and contraceptive practices among HIV-infected women.

BACKGROUND: Women now constitute 12% of persons with acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), and three quarters of them are well within their childbearing age. OBJECTIVE: To determine if women infected with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) change their attitudes toward childbearing and their sexual and contraceptive practices. METHODS: Questionnaire and interview. RESULTS: Forty-six women age 18 to 44 participated; 33 were white, 12 were Hispanic, and 1 was black. Intravenous drug abuse was reported by 65%. Nineteen had symptomatic HIV disease or AIDS. Only 70% said they had received counseling after testing. Of these, 59% said they were counseled on avoiding pregnancy, and 81% said they were counseled on use of condoms. Before testing, 59% had wanted to have children; after testing, only 17% did. Only 4% said they had always used condoms before testing, but 54% said they did after testing; 39% said they used some form of birth control before testing compared with 70% who said they did after testing. CONCLUSIONS: Counseling was not optimal. Sexual and contraceptive practices changed, but follow-up study will be needed to see if such changes are sustained.

Adolescent↗