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PubMed2001

Structural changes and social inequalities in health in Finland, 1986-1994.

BACKGROUND: This paper seeks to examine changes in health inequalities in Finland from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s. To improve our understanding of the contribution of employment status changes to class and educational differences in health within the context of changing labour market conditions, we examined the differences in ill health among social classes, educational groups, and employment status groups. METHODS: The data was derived from nation-wide Finnish Surveys on Living Conditions from 1986 and 1994. Analyses included the age range 25-64 years. Health was measured using limiting long-standing illness and perceived health as below good. Results are presented as age-standardized prevalence percentages and odds ratios from logistic regression analyses. RESULTS: The pattern and size of relative social inequalities in ill health have remained generally stable during the eight-year study period in Finland. Differences between social classes have changed only slightly. Differences between educational groups have declined somewhat among men, but have remained stable among women. Compared with the employed, health among the unemployed, housewives, and pensioners has improved for both men and women. Analysing social class differences within both the employed and the non-employed showed only negligible changes. CONCLUSIONS: Changes in social inequalities in health as indicated by class and educational differentials among Finnish men and women have mostly been negligible. The observed changes are likely to have been affected by the 1990s' labour market crisis in Finland. The rapidly increasing mass unemployment is unlikely to have been very individually selective in the short run. However, in the longer run, to the extent that unemployment remains high, this trend can be expected to change as re-entry to paid employment is likely to be more individually selective.

Adult↗
PubMedDate not supplied

[The status of women and fertility: the experience of developed countries].

The author critically examines recent studies that have cited various changes in women's status in developed countries as the cause of changes in the number of children desired. It is suggested that "the number has decreased as a consequence of the social pressures tending to limit the total fertility of women so as to be compatible with the new behaviour patterns of an industrialized society." (summary in ENG, ITA)

Behavior↗
PubMed1989

Soviet women and the autonomous family.

"The USSR family is changing in form from that of a social collectivity, a bedrock conception to socialism, to that of an autonomous family. Autonomy discloses a lack of homogeneity, an independence of choices over life-styles and a flexibility toward an interpretation given to the meaning of a socialistic state. Women are exceedingly active in making greater use of their legal rights to divorce and abortion and demanding equal status with men both in the workplace and in the home. Women are initiating major social changes, are readily adapting to changing relations and patterns in a complex society and are serving to spearhead changes in the family unit. These factors have generated major changes in the normative, behavioral and structural dimensions of marriage and family life in the Soviet Union."

Abortion, Induced↗
PubMed1990

[Health status of 11- year old pupils depending on their school maturity determined at the age of 6 years].

The results of follow-up studies in 323 children, examined by extended health balance method in 1977 and 1981 are prescuted. In repeated examination of 11-year old pupils health status changes during the first years of school were analysed, depending on their school maturity groups in the I examination at the age of 6 years. Increasing number of disorders in children's health status both in the group with full and partial school maturity was observed. The incidence of these disorders, was however significant in the group with partial school maturity.

Child↗
PubMedDate not supplied

American household structure in transition.

The number of U.S. households rose by 58 percent between 1960 and 1983, with nontraditional household types accounting for most of the increase. Whereas the number of households containing married couples with children younger than 18 rose by only four percent over the period, one-parent households increased by 175 percent; one-person households, by 173 percent; and households composed of unmarried couples, by 331 percent. In 1983, households maintained by married couples constituted six in 10 U.S. households; the second most common household type--adults living alone--accounted for about one-quarter of all households. Lone parents living with their children represent nearly one in 10 households. Almost all of these parents are women--of whom two-thirds are separated or divorced, one-quarter have never been married, and fewer than one in 10 are widows. Among adults living alone, women aged 45 and older predominate; but the rate at which the practice has been adopted since 1960 has been greatest among those under age 45. Most of the growth in the number of one-person households occurred during the 1970s. The increase in cohabitation--most of it also in the 1970s--has similarly been concentrated in the younger age-groups. The living arrangements of children younger than 18 have changed accordingly over the two decades. Since 1960, the number of children living with two parents has declined by nearly one-fifth, and the number living with one parent--generally the mother--has more than doubled.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

Adolescent↗
PubMed1984

Methods and issues in the projection of population health status.

The discussion of strategies for forecasting health status changes in human populations often becomes immersed in efforts to utilize simple projection strategies that will produce crude projections. The motivation behind this effort is that simple projection strategies have limited data requirements and the crude projection strategies will be, in some ill-defined sense, robust (i.e., insensitive to assumptions). Actually there is a wide range of projection tools available. It seems appropriate to appraise the nature and attributes of each when considering the uses to which the projections will be put. For example, simple models are not necessarily more robust than more sophisticated procedures, especially for longer term temporal projections. Clearly we have many examples in developed countries where the use of simple actuarial or demographic projections has underestimated the true cost of a health programme by factors of 200-300%. The reason why the failures of such simple projection efforts become so rapidly manifest is that the programmes, once implemented, are expanded to meet the population's needs. In projecting only health services or utilization one has nearly a self-fulfilling prophecy--that resource constraints or the actual organization of the programme will directly determine the course of the level and mixture of health services consumption. Therefore failure to base the projections on a detailed model of underlying population needs leads in such cases to grossly inaccurate results. Clearly, projecting a population's health needs requires even more data than projecting health service requirements. Such information constraints require the use of a model to organize data from multiple objective and subjective sources, and to reflect the best scientific understanding of the processes involved. This article briefly discussed the application of 2 such models. One was designed for the analysis of discrete state health changes using population and vital statistics data, the other described both discrete and continuous changes using data from longitudinally followed community populations. One is designed to work only with detailed aggregate data with heavy inputs from scientific experts; the other deals with relatively information-rich measurements. Both can be modified on the basis of expert judgement to deal with simulations of a multiplicity of possible interventions. Both appropriately calculate the relative costs and benefits of select health initiatives.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Actuarial Analysis↗