Cost analysis and consequences of the National Cancer Plan.
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This article outlines the issues in cost identification and fair payment for acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) research. Costs need to be better identified using activity-based costing methods to reveal the structural pattern of care. Patterns of care can be too expensive if they: (1) overutilize the hospital as the locus of care, or (2) underutilize prevention and education. Managers need to learn more about the cost identification issues payers face in designing a fair payment system. In the long run, more health care professionals would serve the cause of innovation and biomedical research if they all work together to define a stable fair funding mechanism. Payers need to learn that fair payment of indirect costs is not a bonus or a windfall profit.
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The Canadian health program is described and analyzed. Positive features include financing through progressive taxation; complete coverage of physician and hospital services; complete absence of deductibles, copayments, and extra charges by physicians and hospitals; lower administrative costs because private insurance companies are excluded from the program; and avoidance of the straitjacket of a single federal program by decentralization to the provinces. Negative features include ever-rising costs due to the almost complete dominance of fee-for-service payment to physicians; failure to monitor the quality of care; and neglect of serious support for preventive services and improved living standards--the two most important determinants of health status. Recommendations are made for a U.S. national health program that would incorporate the positive features of the Canadian program and avoid its deficiencies.
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In 1965 the Chilean government incorporated fertility regulation policies to the national health programs. The aim was to promote responsible parenthood and family welfare, reducing the number of clandestine abortions and the associated maternal and infant mortality. These decreased to 1.7 per 1000 and 18.5 per 1000 respectively around 1987. Even though demographic control was not a purpose of the program, global fertility rate decreased to 2.4%, birth rate to 22.3% and the population growth and dependency rates to 1.7% and 0.58%, respectively. After 25 years, the program may be considered successful and associated to a general improvement in health conditions in Chile. Social protection programs are needed in many cases to further improve family welfare.
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The increasing interest in a national health program will lead to major changes in healthcare. The coming changes will be larger perhaps than those of the past decade and almost certainly will be outward--outside large institutions, into communities. Community relations will become increasingly important and therefore should become a part of studies to guide administrative decisions regarding program development. Administrators and their research collaborators should be aware of the unintended "side effects" of such community-oriented research. These effects have organizational and research implications that decision makers may choose to use to build community-organization alliances and promote public education to create supportive and informed consumers and a responsive healthcare system.
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This article presents a discussion of why some capitalist developed countries have national health insurance schemes, others have national health services, and the U.S. has neither. The first section provides a critical analysis of some of the major answers given to these questions by authors belonging to the schools of thought defined as 'public choice', 'power group pluralism' and 'post-industrial convergence'. The second section puts forward an alternative explanation rooted in an historical analysis of the correlation of class forces in each country. The different forms of funding and organization of health services, structured according to the corporate model or to the liberal-welfare market capitalism model, have appeared historically in societies with different correlations of class forces. In all these societies the major social force behind the establishment of a national health program has been the labor movement (and its political instruments--the socialist parties) in its pursuit of the welfare state. In the final section the developments in the health sector after World War II are explained. It is postulated that the growth of public expenditures in the health sector and the growth of universalism and coverage of health benefits that have occurred during this period are related to the strength of the labor movement in these countries.
Primary care clinicians occupy a strategic position in relation to the emotional problems of their patients. Integrating mental health and primary medical services promotes available, coordinated, accessible, and less stigmatizing treatment by recognizing an indivisibility of the total person in illness and in health. Federal efforts to encourage Health Maintenance Organization (HMO) development as part of a national health program prompts serious attention to organizational arrangements for developing such an integrated program for medical-mental health care. We have found a team collaborative model in which mental health providers are members of a primary care team to be useful and promising. Supportive services are provided on a continuing basis through patterned relationships. Shared responsibility for patient care between physicians, nurse practitioners, physician assistants, and mental health workers provides built-in peer review and encourages intrateam consultation.