Apologia pro Sancta Lucia.
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Hesiod's Theogony, a completely preserved poem, is dated from about 700 B.C. It depicts partly a development, partly a situation that has arisen in the course of time in the world. It constitutes an attempt to understand the cosmos as the product of a genealogical evolution, which can be seen as a process of successive separation, differentiation, and hierarchization. In this attempted picture of the world myth and reality are inextricably interwoven. Observations of natural phenomena as far as of congenital malformations are accordingly exaggerated and undergone mythical transformation. Entities enumerated in this genealogical poem, no matter whether they stand for parts and concrete phenomena of the physical world or intellectual properties and abstract concepts, behave, think, and act, and are accordingly though of, in anthropomorphic terms. Monogamy, polygamy, endogamy, exogamy, asexual and sexual reproduction, multiple conceptions and births, dominantly and recessively inherited traits, normal and abnormal offspring, and perceptions and notions on cosmogony, isogamy, and teratogenesis could be observed in the writing of the Theogony and interpreted by rational modern concepts.
Hephaestus (or Hephaistos) is an Olympian Greek god, the divine smith, famed for inventions, who taught men glorious crafts. The fixed epithet for Hephaestus, used from the eighth century B.C. by Homer, Hesiod, and other ancient authors until the fifth century A.D., is "Amphiguéeis," i.e., with both feet crooked. He is also called "Kullopodíou," i.e., clubfooted. His body and his gait were described by Homer: "He spake, and from the anvil rose, a huge, panting bulk, halting the while, but beneath him his slender legs moved nimbly ... and with a sponge wiped his face and his two hands withal, and his mighty neck and shaggy breast, ... and grasped a stout staff, and went forth halting; but there moved swiftly to support their lord handmaidens wrought of gold in the semblance of living maids." His anomaly was congenital, as we learn from Hephaestus himself ("I was born misshapen") and from his mother Hera ("But my son Hephaestus whom I bare was weakly among all the blessed gods and shrivelled of foot."). Vase paintings of the sixth century B.C. depict Hephaestus' lameness, but his lameness is not emphasized in the fifth century and thereafter. It is most likely that bilateral congenital clubfeet made Hephaestus lame. Two sons of Hephaestus, Palaemonius and Periphetes, were also reported as having deformed feet.
The Aónikenk were a hunter-gatherer group that inhabited the southern extreme of Patagonia at European Contact and became extinct at the end of the 19th century. The myth of Patagonian gigantism developed around these aborigines from early Spanish explorer accounts. In this study, the postcranial remains belonging to the Aónikenk (Patagonia) and the Selk'nam (Tierra del Fuego) preserved at the Instituto de la Patagonia (UMAG, Chile) have been measured, using standard metrics. Different stature estimations for these groups have been generated, by using the different regression formulae available. Aónikenk male stature appears to be between 174 and 178 cm on average, whereas the Selk'nam are considerably shorter. In addition, stature estimations from Spanish populations dating to the contact period have been compiled for comparison. While it can be concluded that the Aónikenk probably presented the highest stature values of all Meso- and South American populations, it is suggested that the perception of their gigantism could be partially attributed to the real difference in stature (probably more than 10 cm) between these aborigines and contemporaneous Europeans.
Serum protein (haptoglobin types; transferrin and group-specific component subtypes); haemoglobin and red cell enzymes (acid phosphatase, esterase D, glyoxalase I, 6-phosphogluconate dehydrogenase, adenylate kinase, and phosphoglucomutase (locus 1) (subtypes) were studied in the Sinhalese, Tamils, and Muslims of Sri Lanka. The allelic frequencies of all the polymorphic systems were similar in these populations without any significant differences. A close look at the present results and earlier investigations on 13 polymorphic loci controlled by 37 alleles did not reveal any genetic characteristics in the present-day Sinhalese population that are distinct from those in the Tamils of Sri Lanka. As such, genetic evidence linking the legendary origin of the Sinhalese population to East India (Prince Vijaya) is lacking.
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Working therapeutically with individuals or couples either following an affair or prior to its occurrence requires teaching them about risks to monogamy and the challenges of recovering from infidelity. Risks to monogamy include cultural myths about both infidelity and marriage that may be shared not only by lay persons, but also by their ill-informed therapists. Exacerbating risks to fidelity are physiological components of emotional and physical attraction that contribute to cognitive and affective disorientation. Therapists can promote fidelity and recovery from infidelity by attending to the fundamental tasks of modeling compassion, debunking myths regarding infidelity, confronting individuals with their own choices, promoting emotional closeness, and helping individuals to understand both their own and their partner's learned attitudes that distract them from maintaining a faithful marriage. Several cases illustrate these fundamental therapeutic tasks.
This article investigates the historical sources for the idea of the "changeling" or substitute child as an explanation for congenital intellectual disability. Pre-modern sources for this idea are elite and theological as much as popular and folkloric, nor do they refer to intellectual disability in any sense recognizable to us. Rather, both the concept of intellectual disability and the notion of a transhistorical changeling myth emerge from the historical core of modern psychology.
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Anthropological studies of mortuary ceremonies have focused primarily on their social and structural correlates and functions. Little attention has been given to their role in facilitating the expression and resolution of grief by the bereaved. The elaborate and extended mortuary rites of the people of northeastern Arnhem Land, Australia (the "Murngin") have several characteristics which promote and structure the mourning process and facilitate the full reintegration of the bereaved into the social life of the community.
Espanto or susto has been analysed from various points of view in the last fifteen years. From a survey covering 109 case analyses collected in Nicolas Ruiz (Chiapas, Mexico), we reached the conclusion that this folk illness cannot be conceived of as a syndrome in the medical sense. A semiological analysis showed that espanto can be better described as an indigenous theory whose function is to relate illness events to other levels of reality. According to indigenous belief, the Holy Earth and the chtonian spirits of the underworld play an important role in the origin of the illness. This origin is associated with an opening of the earth as is illustrated in the earthquakes or the volcanic eruptions forming the prototype of a fright experience leading to espanto; or, it is attributed to agents who inhabit locations where the earth presents a fissure (river, ravine, cave). It is through these holes that the Holy Earth exerts her power. Concomitantly, the body of the victim is believed to open itself to the influences of the bad winds of espanto. Trembling is another aspect of the phenomenon which is observed at numerous levels: first, during the fright experience; second, when the victim falls ill (chills jumping in bed); and third, when the curandera takes the pulse of the patient to see if the blood is afraid. These multiple analogies lead to the assumption that there is a meaning shared by these separate manifestations.
Demonic explanations of disease preserved among Moroccan Jews living in two Israeli moshavim are described and amalyzed. Applied most often to sira, a traditional ailment involving somatic and anxiety symptoms, these explanations are construed as a two-level ordered sequence of steps including elements from both ordinary reality and the demonic world. Traditional patients are usually more aware of the manifest chain of precipitating events centering around emotional consequences of a real trauma. Their rabbi-healers, however, are predisposed towards molding these events into a covert-demonic pattern, the core of which involves a human injuring a jinn and the latter's retaliation. In the explanatory scheme the real-traumatic and the demonic plots are intermingled and this fusion lends the etiological sequence a meaningful rationale as exemplified by two case illustrations. Nevertheless, our analysis renders the demonic substratum quite vulnerable, since the manifest-traumatic plot may be singled out as an autonomous explanation under the impact of the mainstream of modern Israeli society. Reasons for the hitherto tenacious preservation of the demonic component among traditional segments in Israel are presented by comparing the explanatory status of demons and psychoanalytic concepts. Certain vulnerabilities of the denomic explanation which throw doubt upon its long-term survival in modern context are discussed as well.