[Psychological aspects of voluntary induced abortion among fathers drafted into military service].
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A group of detained pregnant adolescents and expectant teenage fathers served as participants in a qualitative research project designed to describe how adolescents residing in a large metropolitan area juvenile detention facility make health- and pregnancy-related decisions. During the course of the study and clinical work with this population, it was found that although troubled and troublesome, these teenagers do not present as bleak and depressing a picture as might appear on the surface. Three primary themes emerged from the study findings: responsibility, reputation, and respect. These themes were bound to the important relationships in the teenagers' lives. The participants also presented some surprising strengths and resolutions for the future that psychiatric and liaison nurses working in the setting can use in program planning and clinical interventions.
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The Teen Father Collaboration, a two-year national research and demonstration project launched in 1983, was designed to determine the most effective ways to assist teenage fathers in contributing to their children's social, emotional and financial well-being. Eight social service agencies from around the country provided nearly 400 young fathers and prospective fathers--most 17 or 18 years of age--with a variety of services, including counseling, educational assistance and job training. Many young fathers wanted to contribute financially to their children's upbringing but had only a limited ability to do so because they were unemployed or needed job training. By the end of the project, 56 previously unemployed participants had taken part-time jobs, and 92 participants had found full-time employment; nearly half of the non-graduates who were not enrolled in school when they entered the program had returned to school, had obtained their GEDs or had enrolled in GED classes by the time the Collaboration ended. An aggressive approach to recruitment and a good knowledge of the community were considered to have been crucial to the success of the programs: Staff members had to be able to go into the community and reach young men on a one-to-one basis. The experiences of the agencies indicate that a man in his 20s or 30s from the same ethnic and cultural background as the teen-age clients usually succeeded best as a counselor. The study also shows that ambivalence on the part of a cooperating agency was probably the most important factor hindering the efforts of the Collaboration.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
Twenty expectant adolescent fathers were interviewed during the course of their partners' pregnancies. Ten coping strategies used by these subjects in response to the upcoming transition to fatherhood were identified. These coping strategies were categorized according to the Lazarus paradigm as direct actions, information-seeking, intrapsychic processes, and inhibition of action. These strategies dealt either with the potential problem (i.e., fatherhood) or the accompanying stressful emotions.
Adolescent fathers and nonfathers were compared as to their belief in a sense of personal control and responsibility for their own lives (locus of control); ability to optimistically trust others (interpersonal trust); taking an active orientation to life's demands and problems (coping style); and family/generational pattern of unwed parenthood. Participants were 24 unwed adolescent fathers and 27 unwed adolescent nonfathers, aged 15-19 years. Each participant completed a questionnaire containing a Rotter Internal-External Locus of Control Scale, the Rotter Interpersonal Trust Scale, the Behavioral Attributes of Psychosocial Competence, and a scale measuring family pattern of unwed parenthood. Results suggest that adolescent fathers are usually older, more likely to have been born out-of-wedlock, and less trusting than nonfathers. The implications for casework with adolescent fathers are discussed.
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This study assesses the impact of a prenatal education program dealing with human sexuality, pregnancy, prenatal care, labor, delivery, and infant and child care on the unwed expectant adolescent father. It also assesses the relationship between the father's knowledge in these areas and his supportive behaviors toward the adolescent mother and the expected infant. The 28 black 15-18-year-old adolescent males who volunteered to participate in the study were randomly assigned to an experimental group (n = 15) or a control group (n = 13). Each was pretested (T-1) with Form A of a 75-item prenatal questionnaire, and posttested (T-2) with Form B of the same instrument after an intervention for the experimental group, or 4 weeks after the initial assessment for the comparison group. Findings suggest significant gains in knowledge for the experimental group at T-2 versus T-1 with regard to 1) pregnancy and prenatal care, and 2) infant development and child care. The data also suggest that fathers who were more informed tended to report more supportive behaviors toward the mother and the infant.
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Two hundred thirty-one inner city black teenagers, aged 14-17, were followed for two years to assess whether (1) their decision to deliver or abort a pregnancy differed from their perceptions of their mothers' attitudes about having a child or aborting a pregnancy, (2) satisfaction with the decision differed between the abortion and delivery groups, and (3) satisfaction with the decision was affected by who made the decision. Eight-one percent chose the pregnancy outcome that their mothers supported. Those who did decide without their mothers' support (19%) were divided equally between abortion and continuing the pregnancy. The majority in both groups were satisfied with the outcome decision, but initially more deliverers than aborters were satisfied. Satisfaction initially was related to who made the decision, but by the one-year follow-up the difference was no longer significant. Young teens do not seem likely to make a decision about pregnancy outcome that differs from their mothers' views; initial differences in satisfaction with the decision disappear over a one- to two-year period.
Mutuality is the central dimension of family dynamics. This study of family dynamics in Finland forms part of an international comparative family dynamics project. The aim of the study was to describe the family dynamics of childbearing and childrearing families using the six dimensions of Barnhill's model of Healthy Family Systems. In addition to this changes in family dynamics after the childbirth were studied. In this article results of the dimension of mutuality are reported. The sample consisted of families expecting (n = 118) and rearing (n = 94) their first or second child in Finland. The data were collected by questionnaires, using the Family Dynamics Questionnaire and Family Dynamics Measure of 62 Likert-type items developed in U.S. (Lasky et al 1985). In generally childbearing and childrearing families were healthy and well-functioning. However, unmarried couples, fathers and families expecting and rearing their second child seemed to be vulnerable and therefore they need more support in adapting to the normal stages of development.
Seventeen Hispanic elementary schoolboys with violent behavior problems were compared with 27 matched control students who were not overtly violent at school. Violent boys were significantly more likely to not live with their fathers, to have unmarried parents, to have more siblings, and to have fathers who never show them affection. Parents of violent boys were more likely than those of matched control students to use spanking for discipline and to admit that they rarely express affection for their sons.
Family support has been demonstrated to be essential for successful long-term outcomes of low-income, African American adolescent mothers and their children [Apfel, N., & Seitz, V. (1996). Urban girls: Resisting stereotypes, creating identities. NY: New York University Press]. Family support may also be essential for the continued paternal involvement of unmarried, low-income, African American adolescent fathers. Twenty mothers of unmarried, low-income, African American adolescent parents were individually interviewed for this qualitative study to describe the experiences of paternal grandmothers (mothers of adolescent fathers) and maternal grandmothers (mothers of adolescent mothers) during transition to fatherhood for unmarried, low-income, African American adolescent fathers. Findings are presented according to the six factors of transition conditions from the nursing model of transitions [Schumacher, K., & Meleis, A. I. (1994). Image, 26, 119-127]: meanings, expectations, level of knowledge and skill, the environment, level of planning, and emotional and physical well-being. Findings indicate that transition to parenthood and grandparenthood is often abrupt and complicated for unmarried, low-income, African American adolescent parents and their families. Paternal and maternal grandmothers continue to act as primary parents for their adolescents while compensating for the lack of skills and attributes for the adolescents' children. Findings from this study can be used to design developmentally and culturally appropriate health care interventions that can support these families during this complex process.
One in every six U.S. birth certificates have no information on the age of the baby's father; for more than four in 10 babies born to adolescent women, no data are available on the father's age. Information from mothers aged 15-49 who had babies in 1988 and were surveyed in the National Maternal and Infant Health Survey indicates that fathers for whom age is not reported on the birth certificate are considerably younger than other fathers. In 1988, 5% of fathers were under age 20, and 20% were aged 20-24. Fathers typically are older than mothers, especially when the mothers are teenagers. Fathers who are unmarried, black or partners of lower income women are younger than other fathers.
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Recognizing that most poor families are single-parent families, the federal welfare reform law of 1996 emphasized the responsibility of both parents to support their children. In addition to strengthening the child support enforcement system, the law included several provisions designed to decrease childbearing outside of marriage and to promote two-parent families. This article focuses on the important role that fathers play in children's lives and how public policies have affected childbearing and father involvement. Key observations are: Compared with children living with both biological parents, children in father-absent families often have fewer economic and socioemotional resources from their parents, and do not fare as well on many outcome measures. Efforts to reduce the rising number of father-absent families by focusing on preventing unwanted pregnancy among unmarried women, especially teen girls, have met with some success; those programs seeking to alter adolescents' life opportunities in addition to providing education or family planning services appear to hold the most promise. Efforts to encourage greater father involvement by focusing almost exclusively on increasing absent parents' child support payments reap only minimal benefits for poor children because their absent parents often have few resources and little incentive to make support payments. To date, efforts to increase the emotional involvement of unmarried fathers with their children have produced disappointing results, but new research suggests that such programs can make a difference when targeting fathers at the time of a child's birth. Many children spend some time living away from their fathers, deprived of the financial and emotional resources they can provide. Because of the importance of fathers to child well-being, the authors conclude that new directions in research and public policies are needed to encourage greater father involvement across the wide diversity of family arrangements in society today.
Many studies have explored maternal and infant factors as risks for infant mortality, but little attention is given to paternal factors. In Georgia, listing a father's name on the birth certificate is optional for married couples and possible after paternal acknowledgment for unmarried couples. The authors evaluated father's name reporting as a paternity measure and risk for infant mortality. Using the linked 1989-1990 birth and death certificates of singleton Georgia infants to calculate relative risks (RRs), infant mortality rates for 38,943 infants with no father's names listed were compared to rates for 178,100 with father's names listed. Compared with the rate for married women listing names, the death rates were higher for unmarried mothers not listing fathers (relative risk, RR = 2.5; 95% CI 2.3-2.7), unmarried mothers listing fathers (RR = 1.4; 95% CI 1.3-1.6), and married women not listing fathers (RR = 2.3; 95% CI 1.6-3.1). Increased risks remained after stratifying by maternal race, age, adequacy of prenatal care and medical risks; and congenital malformations, birthweight, gestational age, and small-for-gestational age. Using logistic regression to examine for effect modification and to adjust for these factors together, the adjusted relative risks for death varied across different groups without fathers' names, regardless of marital status. For example, it remained statistically higher for infants with no father listed and without effect-modifying conditions such as low birthweight (estimated RR = 2.0; 95% CI 1.6-2.4). Although these findings suggest paternal involvement, as measured by listing fathers' names, is protective against low birthweight and infant mortality, further evaluation is needed.