China's one child family policy.
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In 1988, the government of Xinjiang, China, issued Provisional Regulations allowing urban ethnic-group couples to have two children and, in special cases, a third child. Rural ethnic-group couples are allowed to have three children and, in special cases, a fourth child. The one-child policy remains in effect for couples of Chinese majority nationality.
In 1987 fourteen units of the Government of Henan issued a Circular stating that: "Planned parenthood must be publicized deep into the grass roots and among the people, and importance must be attached to results." The Circular stresses: "In the propaganda drive, it is necessary to successfully grasp three key links: 1. It is necessary to disseminate intensively the important directive on population problems that is contained in the report of the 13th CPC National Congress and the seriousness of the population situation of our country and province so that the cadres and the masses can understand the relationship between population control and the achievement of the strategic target of the three big steps, understand the reason for carrying out planned parenthood, understand that the one-child policy is still advocated, and conscientiously carry out planned parenthood. 2. It is essential to succeed in propagating knowledge of contraception, sterilization, childbirth, and child care and in conducting ideological education for those who undergo operations and for their family members. 3. It is imperative to visit those who have undergone operations and to help them solve practically their difficulties in making a living." The Circular concludes by demanding that under the unified leadership of party committees and governments at all levels, the propaganda drive be carried out by relying on the efforts of all of society. In conjunction with their own work, departments, including the propaganda, education, public health, and cultural departments, must carry out propaganda and education for planned parenthood.
This paper explores the problem of China's 'missing' girls--estimated to run into many millions. It considers the impact of the underpinning Confucian value system in China that has produced a culture of son preference and which, together with China's compulsory family planning program and 'one child policy', has effectively established a 'one son policy'. Discussion of the various means by which the birth or survival of daughters have traditionally been prevented provides the context for identifying the contribution of new sex selection procedures to the maintenance of son preference in contemporary Chinese society. The paper concludes that China's son preference is not simply a personal problem for the millions of 'missing girls' who were destined to live a shorter life and for the surviving girls who continue to face considerable discrimination simply because they are of the 'wrong' sex; it heralds a social and demographic disaster of major proportions for which neither the government nor the people of China appear to have the will or the means to forestall.
This study shows that most women in Shaanxi Province, China try to have their first birth as soon as possible after their first marriage, and that the length of the interval between marriage and first birth is strongly correlated with the woman's age at first marriage. The length of the second and third birth intervals and the likelihood of going on to have a second or third birth are strongly influenced by the sex composition of children already born, the survival time of the child initiating the interval, the duration of breastfeeding, and the woman's occupation. There is significant regional variation in the length of birth intervals and in the prevalence of second and third births in Shaanxi. The findings indicate that China's one-child policy is far from being universally accepted in Shaanxi, including its urban areas. The persistence of many social, economic, institutional, and cultural factors promoting high fertility poses many obstacles to further fertility decline.
This study analysed the relative contributions of three possible determinants to the high sex ratio among newborns in rural China - under-reporting of female births, abortions of female fetuses and excess early female neonatal mortality. A cohort of 3,697 pregnancies collected at village level in 20 rural townships from a county in Anhui province in 1999 was followed from pregnancy registration to seven days after birth. The cohort was later completed with 267 retroactively registered pregnancies. In the original cohort, the sex ratio at birth was 152 males to 100 females and in the supplemented cohort 159 males to 100 females, being similar to the sex ratios in the census data of the same townships. The risk of death for girls was almost three times that for boys during the first 24 hours of life. A comparison of the estimated number of missing girls by parity and pregnancy approval status to the recorded abortions and stillbirths suggests that selective abortions of female fetuses contributed most to the extremely high sex ratio among newborns. The under-reporting of female live births and neglect or poorer care of female newborn infants seemed to play a secondary role. New technology has helped the one-child policy to become, in practice, an "at-least-one-son" practice.
Has China's strict one-child policy been successful in changing fertility preferences? Using linked data from surveys conducted in four counties of northern China in 1991 and 1994, we compare reproductive behavior against prior fertility preferences and show when and where women change from wanting to not wanting more children. The acceptance of policy-sanctioned family size follows a development gradient and reflects the degree of enforcement. High acceptance occurs in the most urban, industrialized county and in the county with the most rigid family planning policy. Acceptance is weaker among women living in the poorest county and in the county where enforcement is most lenient.
This study focuses on the relationship between contraceptive behavior, family size preferences, and perceptions of the one-child policy among young Chinese women in rural areas of Jilin Province. In 1985, about 85 percent of rural married women with one surviving child were practicing contraception, although most of them reported two as their ideal number of children. Most women with one surviving child, including those with one-child certificates, were practicing contraception in response to the government campaign, while more than half of women with two or more children were doing so voluntarily. Most of the women with one child were using the IUD, whereas more than half of women with two or more children were sterilized. Through multivariate analysis of contraceptive behavior and method choice, additional factors were found to be associated with the contraceptive behavior of rural Jilin women; achievement of their ideal family size was a significant factor in the voluntary practice of contraception as well as in contraceptive method choice. Implications of the results are discussed.
Adoption has increased in China since 1980 when the government started the one-child policy. There were approximately six million adopted children living in China in 1988. The objective of this study was to compare adopted and biological children in one-child families across a number of measures of physical well-being and school enrollment. The 1992 National Sample Survey on the Situation of Children provided data on 2458 adopted and 194,760 biological children aged 0-14 years living in one-child families. Logistic regression models were used to adjust for confounders. We found that adopted children were not significantly different from biological children in reported diarrhea and nutritional outcomes (stunting, underweight, wasting) after controlling for other known demographic, socioeconomic and geographic correlates. However, there was evidence of significantly higher odds of never being immunized and not being currently enrolled in school, and evidence of slightly lower odds of having fever or acute respiratory infections among adopted children compared to biological children. These results suggest that adopted children were as healthy and well-fed as biological children, but adopted children aged 7-14 years were less likely to be enrolled in school than biological children.
This study examines recent developments in institutional care for Chinese elders and attitudinal changes toward institutional care in Tianjin, China. Based on studies in 12 elder home sites and survey interviews with 265 older residents, this study compares institutional differences between government and non-government-owned elder homes, and examines elders' evaluations of elder homes' quality and their level of willingness to stay in elder homes. Findings suggest that government-owned elder homes still enjoy institutional and bureaucratic privileges in funding, staffing, and insurance. Elders' overall evaluation of elder home quality was high. Elders' former living arrangement and financial ability were related to their willingness to stay in the elder home. The unfair competition between governmental and non-governmental elder homes is likely to hinder the development of elder home industry in the free-market system and foster a growing gap between the rich and poor elders in their capability and decisions in elder home care. As adult children become increasingly unavailable due to the one-child policy and geographic mobility, institutional care for aging parents is likely to become one of the major options for parent care.
CONTEXT: Though contraceptive failure and induced abortion in China have both attracted research attention, the somewhat broader topic of unintended pregnancy has been neglected. METHODS: A total of 7,872 newly married couples, enrolled between 1987 and 1988, were followed up until 1994-1995; only 2% were lost to follow-up. During face-to-face interviews, background and fertility-related data were collected. Chi-square tests and logistic regression were used to assess associations with unintended pregnancy. RESULTS: By three months after marriage, 461 couples had conceived; 57% of nonpregnant wives said that their preferred interval between marriage and conception was no more than three months. Twenty-one percent of pregnancies occurring between marriage and first birth were reported as unintended; 81% of these resulted from contraceptive failure. The majority of unintended pregnancies were carried to term; 13% were aborted. The younger the wife and the greater her desired interval between marriage and conception, the greater the likelihood that a pregnancy occurring before first birth was unintended. After first birth, 43% of couples experienced one or more unintended pregnancies, 98% of which were aborted in accordance with the one-child policy. The majority of these pregnancies occurred in the 12 months after first birth, when couples tend to rely on ineffective methods of contraception. The odds of having an unintended pregnancy after first birth were slightly elevated if at least one spouse desired a second child. CONCLUSIONS: Unintended pregnancies are common among married couples in Shanghai. Policies to reduce unintended pregnancies, and abortions, should focus particularly on postpartum contraception.
This study explores the influence of familial and social factors on the maturing cohort of China's one-child generation students' attitudes toward filial responsibilities. Based on survey data collected in 1997 and 1998 among 777 Chinese young adults, this research found that family economic conditions had a significant impact on young adults' attitudes; higher family income was positively related to respondents' willingness toward accepting filial responsibility; higher educational levels, though positively related to respondents' attitudes toward xiao, were negatively related to their commitment to parent care when they foresaw job and care conflicts. Family socialization was not found to enhance young adults' attitudes toward filial responsibility. Sharing the same household with grandparents and having dependent grandparents in the family were negatively associated with respondents' sense of obligation for parental care. Further, only children born after the one-child policy implementation scored lower than other children in their willingness to provide parental care when they foresaw job and care conflicts. The author argues that social structure, rather than socialization, plays an increasingly important role in shaping one-child generation students' attitudes toward filial responsibility in China, and will continue to do so in the future.
In 1988 the Chinese policy of allowing couples to have a second child when the first is a girl was extended to rural areas throughout the country, except for the provinces of Sichuan and Jiangsu and the municipalities of Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin.
Despite the Communist government's campaign to narrow the sexual inequality in China since the 1949 Revolution, male dominance and son preference are still evident in many parts of the country. Using retrospective reports on infant and child mortality from the 1985 and 1987 In-Depth Fertility Surveys in Shaanxi, Liaoning and Guangdong provinces of China, the study examines the effects of this persistence of sexual inequality on the differential survival for males and females. The study shows that female infants and children have higher than expected mortality rates, suggesting that son preference may lead to discriminatory practices against females. The study also reveals that the one-child policy of the late 1970s has a strong influence on the survivorship for female infants and children.