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[Statistical and dynamic analysis of crime in relation to primary dimensions in various countries].

The examination of the effects of social change on crime has experienced a revival of interest in the past decade. With the increasing availability of cross-national data such analyses are being done in a comparative perspective. The current effort is designed to examine the relationship between three variables which have been shown to be empirically and theoretically pertinent to the study of social change and crime indices. Specifically, the variables of population, gross national product per capita and political orientation are regressed on the homicide rates, property crime rates and total crime rates for a number of countries. This analysis is done statically for 1965 and dynamically, for the change in the variables from 1960 to 1965. The data for the independent variables were acquired from the World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, Second Edition. The source of the dependent variables was the International Crime Statistics published by the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol). The problems with such data are recongized and discussed. The results indicate that in the static analysis the three variables explain a substantial amount of the variance in property crime rates and total crime rates whereas they do not explain much of the variance in the homicide rate. Gross national product per capita contributes the most to the explained variance in all the analyses. A theoretical perspective combining the ideas incorporated in control theory and in environmental opportunity theory was employed to account for the results. The results of the dynamic analyses parallel those of the static analyses, with the exception of the equation employing the total crime rate at the dependent variable. The total variance explained in this equation was significantly lower than in the static analysis for the total crime rate. Durkheim's notions of the functions of crime and the expected stability in crime rates were offered as an explanation for this finding.

Africa↗

[Economic crime].

Economic crime, often also referred to as white collar crime, is one of the most incidious and predatory of offenses. Unlike street crime, for which there may well be some protection, the average citizen is completely at the mercy of the perpetrators of economic crimes. The concept of white collar crime was first identified by Edwin H. Sutherland. He dealt with the problem as a violation of trust involving either or both misrepresentation and duplicity. He argued for the use of criminal sanctions rather than civil remedies as a means of dealing with white collar offenses. Sutherland's views were attacked by the legal profession, by sociologists and criminologists and by public opinion specialists. They contended that an act treated in civil court is not a crime; that criminals are those persons who are defined as such and white collar criminals are neither so defined nor do they define themselves as criminals and, finally, that economic crime is universal. Can anyone be criminal, then, ask the critics? A number of studies by Clinard, Quinney, Black, Ball, Cressey, Newman and others have translated the interest in white collar crime into empirical terms. The last thirty-five years have also witnessed the elaboration and alteration of the theory itself. Geis' work has been particularly important in this respect. His "street" versus "suite" crime is a useful dichotomy. Most important, however, have been the monograph and papers by Herbert Edelhertz who has conceptualized the issues on various levels - from consumer fraud to the illegal activities of the multinational corporation. This article is concerned with the exposition of the theory and research in the field. Most significant, the paper raises serious doubts whether the problem of economic crime can be researched and studied; it raises even more difficult issues concerning the legal and sociological implications of economic crime and of its prevention, management and control.

Attitude↗

Effects of victims' characteristics on attitudes toward hate crimes.

Hate crimes are motivated by perpetrators' prejudice toward targets' group. To examine individuals' attitudes toward hate crime perpetrators and targets, participants responded to vignettes of court cases in which the victim's group membership was varied. Results showed that participants recommended more severe sentences for perpetrators when the targets of their crimes were not White males or White females and reported those crimes as more closely fitting the definition of "hate crime." These results show that participants consider penalty enhancements appropriate for hate crimes and that they do not consider crimes against women to be hate crimes, consistent with present hate crime legislation. These results have implications for the utility and support of hate crime legislation but may showcase the resistance to expanding the legislation to protect individuals of other groups, especially women.

Adult↗

A comparison by race/ethnicity of narcotic addict crime rates in Baltimore, New York, and Philadelphia.

In an effort to provide timely information concerning the criminal activities of narcotic addicts in three different metropolitan areas, male narcotic addicts attending methadone maintenance/detoxification centers in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York City participated in extensive, confidential interviews conducted between May 1983 and April 1984. The information obtained focused on the amounts and types of crimes committed during the addict's longest period of active addiction to opiates, their derivatives and synthetics, as well as his first period of nonaddiction. Crimes committed were placed in one of five categories as follows: Theft, Violence, Drug Sales, Deception/Forgery, and Other. Several different measures of criminal activity were utilized, all embodying the concept of crime-days per year at risk. Such crime-days measures involve annualizing, i.e., the number of crime-days accumulated by each subject in each category during a specified time at large in the community is expressed as crime-days per year at risk by taking the ratio of crime-days to total days at large and multiplying by 365. Addicts were compared by race/ethnicity (Black, White, and Hispanic) within cities as well as by race/ethnicity across cities using one-way analysis of variance procedures. Addict crime rates were also compared for the period of active addiction and nonaddiction. Several mean differences by race/ethnicity within city, as well as by race across cities, were noted. Moreover, crime rates tended to be higher during the period of active addiction. In this sense, then, drugs may be said to "drive" crime.

Adult↗

Transmission of violent offending and crime across three generations.

BACKGROUND: We previously reported 24-fold risk (OR) of violent crime and 17-fold risk for criminal offending among adult children of homicide recidivistic offenders (HR). However, there exist neither published data on the quantitative risk for crime or violent offending among parents of violent offenders, nor data on the transmission of the increased prevalence of crime across three generations. METHODS: In this naturalistic case-control cohort study all HR subjects (G2, n = 35) were extracted from the total of 1584 homicide offenders who were convicted in Finland during 1981-1993. The criminal records and prison documents from their parents (G1, n = 68), and the matched controls (n = 136), were studied, and compared with the previously published data from their children (G3, n = 11) and the controls (n = 220). RESULTS: Among the G1 parents of HR, the odds ratio (OR) for committing any crime was 5.0 (95% CI = 1.3-23.1) but the risk for violent offending was not significantly increased (OR = 3.1, 95% CI = 0.3-37.6). The prevalence of index persons convicted for any crime (versus controls) was 13.2% (versus 2.9%) in G1 and 36.4% (versus 3.2%) in G3. Only 4.4% (versus 1.5%) of G1 index parents, as compared to 18.2% (versus 0.9%) of G3 had convictions for violent crimes. The disparity of the proportions of criminal offenders between index versus control groups had increased across generations (P = 0.0023). This was also the case with violent offenders (P = 0.0019). CONCLUSIONS: The homicide recidivistic offenders had parents with 5-fold risk for any crime but, without significant risk for violent offending. The results provide the first evidence of transmission of crime across three generations, and also of the increased risk of crime among parents of violent offenders.

Adult↗

Neighborhood crime, deprivation, and preterm birth.

PURPOSE: Significant racial disparity in preterm birth (PTB; birth at <37 weeks' gestation) exists, poorly explained by Individual-level factors. This research explores whether neighborhood crime contributes to the racial disparity in PTB. METHODS: Geocoded Wake County, NC, birth records and crime-report data for 1999 to 2001 were merged with US Census data (2000). Race-stratified logistic and multilevel logistic models produced odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for block-group violent, theft, property, and vice crime rates and singleton PTB. RESULTS: A total of 13,960 women resided in a 114-block-group crime area. Non-Hispanic black women were more likely than non-Hispanic white women to deliver preterm (12.8% versus 6.7%), live in economically deprived block groups (42.2% versus 19.3% in the highest deprivation quartile), and experience more crime (32.0% versus 3.8% in the highest violent-crime-rate quartile). Quartiles of violent, theft, property, and vice crimes were associated with PTB in unadjusted models. Living in very high violent-crime-rate block-group quartiles was suggestive of increased odds of PTB for white and black non-Hispanic women (OR = 1.5; 95% CI, 0.9-2.6; and OR = 1.4; 95% CI, 1.0-2.1, respectively) in adjusted models. Other crime effects were attenuated after adjustment. CONCLUSIONS: Differential neighborhood exposures may contribute to racial disparity in PTB.

Adolescent↗

Patterns of acquisitive crime during methadone maintenance treatment among patients eligible for heroin assisted treatment.

OBJECTIVE: To determine the patterns of acquisitive crime during methadone maintenance treatment among chronic, treatment-resistant heroin users eligible for heroin assisted treatment in the Netherlands. METHODS: We retrospectively assessed the type and number of illegal activities during 1 month of standard methadone maintenance treatment in 51 patients prior to the start of heroin assisted treatment. Data were collected using a semi-structured interview focussed on crime with special emphasis on property crime. Volume analyses consisted of frequencies and descriptives of mean numbers of offences per day and per type. RESULTS: In a Dutch population of problematic drug users eligible for and prior to commencing heroin assisted treatment, 70% reported criminal activities and 50% reported acquisitive crimes. Offending took place on 20.5 days per month with on average 3.1 offences a day. Acquisitive crime consisted mainly of shoplifting (mean 12.8 days, 2.2 times/day) and theft of bicycles (mean 5.8 days, 2.4 times/day); theft from a vehicle and burglaries were committed less frequently. The majority of these patients (63%) reported to have started offending in order to acquire illicit drugs and alcohol. CONCLUSION: During methadone maintenance treatment, 50% of criminally active, problematic heroin users eligible for heroin assisted treatment reported acquisitive crime. Shoplifting, thefts and/or other property crimes were committed on average two to three times on a crime day. This study discusses that the detail provided by self-reported crime data can improve cost estimates in economic evaluations of heroin assisted treatment.

Adult↗

Victimization and fear of crime in elderly public housing tenants.

Crime rate, personal victimization, and fear of crime were studied in relation to a variety of measures of well-being of 662 older people in 53 public housing sites. Findings indicated that fear of crime was central in determining psychological well-being; crime rate and victimization influenced well-being primarily if fear of crime intervened. On the other hand, these crime-related variables were minimally related to size of social space and activity outside the housing site. Age integration was strongly associated with fear of crime but did not increase with actual victimization except where age mixing was totally indiscriminate. Both cross-sectional and longitudinal data are analyzed in multiple-regression form and a path-analytic cross-sectional model is tested. It is concluded that planned housing serves a protective function for older tenants, and that older tenants are not necessarily made "prisoners in their homes" by either crime or fear of crime.

Aged↗

Value of DNA evidence in detecting crime.

DNA material is now collected routinely from crime scenes for a wide range of offences and the timely processing of the DNA is seen as key to its success in investigating and detecting crime. An analysis of DNA material recovered from the volume crime offences of residential burglary, commercial burglary, and theft of motor vehicle in Northamptonshire, U.K., in 2004 has enabled the DNA to be categorized into seven sources. Further analysis using a logistical regression has revealed a number of predictors, other than timeliness, that greatly influence whether the DNA material recovered from a crime scene enables the crime to be detected. The results indicate that a number of these predictors are of statistical significance and may be just as relevant in determining whether DNA successfully detects the crime as the timeliness of the processing of the DNA material. The most significant predictor was found to be investigating officer accreditation with location, quantity, and type of DNA material at the crime scene also being relevant. Accreditation of the Crime Scene Examiner recovering the DNA material was found not to be significant. Consideration is given to where further emphasis is needed by the U.K. police service to maximize the opportunities to detect volume crime with DNA.

Blood↗

Evaluating the impact of a street barrier on urban crime.

OBJECTIVES: Violence is a major urban public health problem in the United States. The impact of a physical barrier placed across a street in a public housing project to prevent street violence and drug activity was evaluated. METHODS: Hartford Police Department data on violent and drug related crime incidence within the housing project containing the barrier were analyzed by use of a computerized geographic information system. RESULTS: Violent crime decreased 33% on the intervention street during the 15 month period after erection of the barrier, compared with the 15 month period before erection of the barrier, but there was no change in drug related crime. On adjoining streets and surrounding blocks, violent crime decreased 30%-50% but drug related crimes roughly doubled. A non-adjacent area of the housing project and the entire city experienced 26% and 15% decreases in violent crimes, and 414% and 25% increases in drug crimes, respectively. CONCLUSIONS: The barrier decreased violent crime but displaced drug crimes to surrounding areas of the housing project. These results have important implications for other cities that have erected or are considering erecting similar barriers.

Architecture↗

Reduction in crime by drug users on a methadone maintenance therapy programme in New Zealand.

AIM: The study aimed to estimate changes in drug use, crime, imprisonment and societal costs among a sample of Maori and non-Maori injecting drug users (IDUs) on a methadone maintenance therapy (MMT) programme in Christchurch, New Zealand. METHODS: Fifty-one non-Maori and 34 Maori IDUs were interviewed to obtain a self-reported history of drug use, crime, imprisonment, and effects on personal health. Information was obtained on drug use and crime before starting MMT and also after stabilisation on MMT. Follow-up interviews were conducted 18 months (mean) after the first interview. RESULTS: Considerable reductions in the frequency of crime occurred--with 60% of participants reporting they committed crimes every day before MMT, compared with only 1% at interview. Large reductions were reported in both expenditure on illicit drugs and income from illegal activities. Reductions in opioid use and crime were similar for both Maori and non-Maori. A significant minority of participants reported continuing some form of crime while on MMT; 29% reported committing at least one offence during the week prior to interview. CONCLUSIONS: MMT is associated with a large reduction in the costs of crime and imprisonment among IDUs. This reduction in crime is similar for both Maori and non-Maori.

Costs and Cost Analysis↗

Alcohol and property crime: exploring the causal nexus.

The literature on the relationship between alcohol use and property crime is reviewed. Four sources of data (detailed criminal and drinking histories of 32 men prison inmates, interviews with 67 men imprisoned for robbery, biographies of 10 criminals, and case materials found in scholarly works on "causal" and "professional" property crime) reveal three models of the alcohol-crime link: Drinking at the time of the offense and alcoholism are deterrents to professional property crime because they lead to the perception of unreliability by crime partners and thus serve as barriers to admission to crime partnerships. Certain aspects of the professional criminal lifestyle are conducive to heavy drinking--being unmarried, being geographically unstable, having alternating periods of intense activity and leisure, and having large amounts of money to spend. Heavy drinking provides easy companionship and relaxation to criminals who lack the normal family and work restraints. There is a complex relationship between alcohol use and casual property crime committed in groups. Social isolation leads some individuals to drink to form a "primary group atmosphere." Group participation in crime serves to maintain the cohesiveness of the group. Intoxication facilitates participation in unplanned, low-profit, high-risk crime since it causes group members to focus on the immediate reward of group cohesion and not on the longer-term negative consequences.

Adolescent↗

Criminal history and assault of dating partners: the role of type of prior crime, age of onset, and gender.

Some studies of assaults on intimate partners have found that most of the perpetrators are not violent outside the family, which suggests a specialized type of crime. However, other studies found domestic violence offenders tend to have extensive criminal histories. To further investigate the extent to which partner assaults are part of a more general pattern of criminal behavior or a specialized type of crime, we studied the dating relationships of 653 university students. Thirty-one percent reported assaulting a partner in the previous 12 months. The rate of assault on partners by females did not differ significantly for males (29%) and females (32%). We also found high rates of other self-reported crime, and much higher rates by males. For example, over one half of the male students and almost one third of the female students reported having stolen money. The male students reported an average of 3.4 crimes committed, and the female students an average of 1.4 crimes. These high crime rates and gender differences are consistent with many previous studies. Logistic regression analysis revealed that a history of prior criminal acts is associated with an increased probability of assaulting a partner. The relationship was greater when there was prior violent crime compared to property crime, when there was early onset of criminal behavior, and when the offender was female. The implications of the findings for understanding partner assaults, criminal careers, and gender differences in the etiology of violence against intimate partners are discussed.

Adolescent↗

Symbolic racism and Whites' attitudes towards punitive and preventive crime policies.

This study analyzes the determinants of Whites' support for punitive and preventive crime policies. It focuses on the predictive power of beliefs about race as described by symbolic racism theory. A dataset with 849 White respondents from three waves of the Los Angeles County Social Survey was used. In order to assess the weight of racial factors in crime policy attitudes, the effects of a range of race-neutral attitude determinants were controlled for, namely individual and structural crime attributions, perceived seriousness of crime, crime victimization, conservatism and news exposure. Results show a strong effect of symbolic racism on both types of crime policies, and in particular on punitive policies. High levels of symbolic racism are associated with support for tough, punitive crime policies and with opposition to preventive policies. Sub-dimensions of symbolic racism qualified these relationships, by showing that internal symbolic racism (assessing perceived individual deficiencies of Blacks) was most strongly predictive of punitiveness, whereas external symbolic racism (denial of institutional discrimination) predicted opposition to structural remedies. On the whole, despite the effects of race-neutral factors, the impact of symbolic racism on policy attitudes was substantial. Thus, White public opinion on both punitive and preventive crime policies is at least partially driven by racial prejudice.

Adolescent↗

The practice of honor crimes: a glimpse of domestic violence in the Arab world.

Domestic violence, especially violence against women, is a serious health problem in the United States and in many countries of the world. However, information on violence against women in the Arab culture is scarce. The purpose of this descriptive study is to investigate the incidence of violence against women in one Middle Eastern country. The focus of the research is to determine the cultural context in which violent crimes against women are committed and the social and legal implications of such crimes. The research method included: (1) a review of all court files of women murdered during 1995 in the country of Jordan and, (2) the social norms and sanctions against persons who commit crimes against women. Of 89 homicide cases reviewed, 38 involved female victims. Analysis of the court files of the 38 murdered women indicated that a male relative of the female victim, primarily the brother, committed the majority of the murders. The most common cause for the murders provided in the files was "honor crime." Honor crime was defined as crime committed against women by their male family members because the women had violated the honor of their family. Cultural norms and practices including the legal practices related to honor crimes support the practice of killing women for sexual misconduct and excuse perpetrators of the crimes from punishment.

Adolescent↗

How does childhood economic disadvantage lead to crime?

BACKGROUND: This study sought to examine the associations between indices of socio-economic deprivation in childhood and later involvement in crime. METHOD: Data were gathered as part of the Christchurch Health and Development Study. In this project a cohort of 1,265 children born in Christchurch in 1977 have been studied from birth to age 21 years. The measures collected included: self-reported property and violent crime (15-16, 17-18, and 20-21 years); officially recorded convictions for property/violent crime; measures of childhood socio-economic status; and a series of intervening factors, including parenting (use of physical punishment, maternal care, family change, parental attachment, parental offending), individual (conduct and attention problems), school (truancy, suspensions, examination performance, scholastic ability), and peer factors (affiliations with deviant and substance using peers). RESULTS: The results suggest that childhood socio-economic disadvantage was associated with clear increases in rates of both self-reported crime and officially recorded convictions. However, using block recursive negative binomial regression models a range of parental, individual, school, and peer factors were found to intervene between socio-economic disadvantage and crime. Following introduction of these measures into the models, the association between socio-economic disadvantage and crime became both statistically and practically non-significant. CONCLUSIONS: This study suggests that the higher rates of crime found amongst young people from socio-economically disadvantaged families reflect a life course process in which adverse family, individual, school, and peer factors combine to increase individual susceptibility to crime.

Adolescent↗

Effects of Maryland's law banning Saturday night special handguns on crime guns.

OBJECTIVES: To determine the effects of a 1988 Maryland law that banned "Saturday night special" handguns on the types of guns used in crime. To determine if controls on the lawful market for handguns affect the illegal market as well. SETTING: Baltimore, Maryland, and 15 other US cities participating in a crime gun tracing project. METHODS: Cross sectional comparison of the proportion of crime guns that are banned by the Maryland law, comparing Baltimore, MD with 15 other cities outside of Maryland. Multivariate linear regression analysis to determine if observed differences between Baltimore and 15 other cities are explained by demographic or regional differences among the cities rather than Maryland's law. RESULTS: Among crime guns, a gun banned by Maryland's law is more than twice as likely (relative risk (RR) 2.3, 95% confidence interval (CI) 2.0 to 2.5) to be the subject of a crime gun trace request in 15 other cities combined, than in Baltimore. Among homicide guns, a crime especially relevant for public safety, a comparable difference (RR 2.1, 95% CI 1.1 to 4.2) was observed. The proportion of Baltimore's crime guns that are banned is 12 percentage points lower than would be expected based on its demographic and regional characteristics alone. Among crime guns purchased after 1990, a much smaller proportion in Baltimore are banned models than in 15 other cities. CONCLUSIONS: Maryland's law has reduced the use of banned Saturday night specials by criminals in Baltimore. Contrary to the claims of some opponents of gun control laws, regulation of the lawful market for firearms can also affect criminals.

Adolescent↗

Race, gender, and sexual orientation in hate crime victimization: identity politics or identity risk?

This study examined the impact of hate crimes upon gay and lesbian victims, reviewing 1538 hate crimes committed in Los Angeles County. Differences between sexual orientation and other hate crime categories were considered for offense severity, reportage to law enforcement, and victim impact. The type of offense varied between crimes classified for sexual orientation (n=551) and other bias-motivated crimes (n=987). Assault, sexual assault, sexual harassment, and stalking were predictive of sexual orientation hate crimes. Sexual orientation bias crimes evidenced greater severity of violence to the person and impact upon victim level of functioning. More violent forms of aggression were predictive of gay and lesbian victim's underreportage to law enforcement. For sexual orientation offenses, victim gender and race/ethnicity differences were predictive of the base rates of crime reportage as well. These findings are considered in terms of a group-risk hypothesis, encountered by multiple outgroup persons, that influences help-seeking behavior and ingroup identity.

Adult↗