Trends in refugee policy and cooperation in the European Community.
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"This paper rejects Veugelers and Klassen's initial suggestion that greater concern with demographic considerations might provide a useful explanation for their empirical finding of a post-1989 change in the unemployment-immigration linkage [in Canada] and offers alternative explanations consistent with economic and, especially, sociological-political theories. It shows how elements of Hawkins's (1988) ¿bureaucratic control' and Simmons and Keohane's (1991) ¿political legitimacy' theories can be combined to explain both continuity and change in Canada's postwar immigration policy."
"The benefits of immigration are concentrated among the few while the costs are spread across the many. Consequently, beneficiaries lobby hard for larger intakes while the majority, though disaffected, fail to push for lower ones. Thus the ¿normal' politics of immigration are client-based and expansionary. But current immigration to the United States is now both large and concentrated; it has also been accompanied by a number of crises. These factors have led to moves for reform; though some reforms may be introduced, they are unlikely to produce dramatic cuts. Afterwards, immigration politics will return to ¿normal'."
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"The legalization strategies pursued by Salvadoran immigrants and activists from the 1980s to the present demonstrate that migrants' and advocates' responses to policy changes reinterpret law in ways that affect future policy. Law is critical to immigrants' strategies in that [U.S.] legal status is increasingly a prerequisite for rights and services and that immigration law is embedded in other institutions and relationships. Immigration law is defined, however, not only when it is first formulated but also as it is implemented, enabling the immigrants who are defined according to legal categories to shape the definitions that categorization produces. Immigrants and activists also take formal legal and political actions, such as lobbying Congress and filing class action suits. Through such formal and informal policy negotiations, immigrants seek to shape their own and their nations' futures."
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The author uses the example of France to examine why it is so difficult for a liberal democratic state to control immigration. He examines the political process in France, particularly the capacity of the government to intervene in matters of social and economic activity. Even though France is seen as a strong, centralized state with the capacity to intervene when it needs to do so, the author concludes that "economic and social conditions are found to play a much greater role in channeling migratory flows than the 'actions' of the state, as expressed in public policy." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
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