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Population politics by the state is discussed. Forcible population politics by the state is condemned. The state is based on law and order. Free consent of the individual is necessary for population politics of the state.
This article presents the findings of a series of studies that examine the perceptions of black South African youth about township life and the civil conflict and violence it encompasses. The studies were conducted with comparable samples of 58-82 youth at 3 points in South Africa's history, all characterized by high levels of violence but differing in terms of their political contexts. These contexts were overt State-community conflict, covert opposition and political repression, and intracommunity violence. The data revealed that in all 3 contexts youth reported a high exposure to violence, but only when violence occurred in the context of intracommunity conflict was it subjectively construed to be the most problematic. Reasons for this may include the real increase in more extreme forms of violence, including deaths, that occurs in intracommunity violence and the blurring of the distinction between political and criminal violence in this context.
The mental health role of ideological commitment (operationalized as glorification of war, patriotic involvement, and defiant attitudes toward the enemy) was studied among 385 Israeli girls and boys (mean age 12 +/- 2.50). It was hypothesized that experiences of political hardships do not increase psychosocial problems if children have strong ideological commitment. The hypothesis was conditionally substantiated concerning symptoms of anxiety and insecurity, and depression and feelings of failure. Exposure to political hardships did not increase the presence of these symptoms among children who showed strong ideological commitment. In contrast, among children with weak ideological commitment, exposure increased these symptoms, but not linearily. Furthermore, injury and loss decreased social support if children show weak ideological commitment. There was also the mediating role of ideological commitment, showing that political hardships increased the ideological commitment that, in turn, was related to a low level of psychosocial problems.
Perioperative nurses concomitantly practice in the legal, moral, ethical, and political domains. Although the domains are often thought of as separate entities they are interwoven in practice. This report uses values as the basis of their interconnectiveness. Ethics and politics are presented as problem solving processes. Specifically, ethics is used to justify moral behavior/conduct and politics to resolve conflicts with perioperative and other health care settings.
On the background of some psychological, social and political reactions to the Holocaust over the last 40 years, this paper focuses on the meaning of the Holocaust as it is woven into the social and political fabric of Israel today. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict receives special emphasis in this context. Through a psychoanalytic lens, the motivations leading both to the denial of the Holocaust and its usage in different areas of political life is examined; the usage taking place on different levels on the continuum conscious-unconscious. Such usage as well as its consequences encourage a holding on to rigid positions and to the past; this comes at the expense of dealing effectively with the present. Such patterns of behavior are in this way social mechanisms analogous to the well-known unconscious psychological mechanisms of defense. They are akin to other psychological phenomena, such as the repetition compulsion and the mechanism of psychological deployment. Clinical and social illustrations of these phenomena are given.
The use of rape as a tool of persecution is not new, but recognition of the political rape of women as a violation of internationally protected human rights and as a basis for political asylum is. Over the last several years, a number of advances have been made, including human rights instruments that recognize the need to protect women from rape and other sexual abuse; guidelines from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and several countries that acknowledge the political nature of rape and the difficulties experienced by women attempting to assert claims to asylum based on rape or other sexual abuse; and a number of important decisions by individual governments to provide protection to survivors of rape. Legal advancements for women in this area have depended largely on the assistance of medical and psychological experts who have been able to educate adjudicators and advocates on the effects of sexual harm, provide expert testimony in individual asylum cases, and provide critical treatment and support to survivors as they work their way through the process of obtaining legal protection.
The Israeli protest movement 'Women in Black' is studied by focusing on the movement's mode of protest, which is used as a prism through which to analyse the manner in which the structure, contents and goals of protest challenge the socio-political and gender orders. The article analyses the protest vigil of 'Women in Black' in Jerusalem, and characterizes it, following Handelman (1990), as a minimalist public event. After examining and analysing the sources of minimalism it was concluded that minimalism was the result of two social processes attendant at the formation of 'Women in Black' as a social movement: personal interpretation of the political field, and avoidance of ideological deliberation amongst the participants. The minimalism of the public event preserved the movement for six years and created a collective identity that emphasized the symbolic difference between those within the demonstration and those outside it. This difference was symbolized by a juxtaposition of opposites. The essence of opposites is analysed by means of 'thick description', i.e., by deciphering them in the context of Israeli society. The study concluded that the mode of protest of 'Women in Black' has created a symbolic space in which a new type of political woman is enacted. This identity challenges established socio-cultural categories Israel.
This paper focuses on a prominent figure in medicine, one who had no visible political ambitions in terms of the NS-regime: Ludwig Aschoff (1866-1942), pathologist at the University of Freiburg from 1906 to 1936. The period between 1914 and 1933 is emphasized in order to show the development of his political and scientific ideas, which were intertwined from the beginning: Aschoff admired the Kaiserreich, and in World War I he tried to carry out a socio-political programme in that he examined the constitution of the German Volk by performing autopsies of almost every German soldier who had been killed in action. After 1918 he retained his conservative ideas and his medical programme which meant concentrating mainly on constitutional ideas. Although Aschoff tried to reestablish international cooperation and to support the new Republic, he ultimately did support anti-democratic ideas. This attitude proved to be a handicap with regard to his reaction to National Socialism in 1933: Although he did not become a member of the party and a strong supporter, he welcomed the new regime. Aschoff, without being aware of his role, supported the acceptance of the regime within the medical scientific community. It will be possible to obtain deeper insight into the NS-period by encouraging research on its 'mediators', for example, Ludwig Aschoff.
Approximately 19% of Kentucky Physicians are KEMPAC members or contribute to state legislative and Gubernatorial candidates. This limited study of political activity indicates that a small percentage of physicians participate in the political process. Despite the small number of contributors to state legislative candidates, KMA's legislative and lobbying effort is highly effective and members receive high quality service and representation in the political arena.
Certain as yet poorly defined functions of DNA appear to involve collectively domain-sized sequences. It is proposed that most sequence segments within a domain may be either functionally superfluous or instrumental, depending on how many related sequences are present in the domain. When redundant and functionally dispensable, such DNA segments presumably still have to conform to compositional or sequence-motif patterns that characterize the domain. In its relations with neighboring sequences, such DNA is required to be "polite." Polite DNA is DNA that, without being crucially involved in function, is subject to constraints of conformity and, through its base composition, respects a function for which it is not required. This concept is developed by contrasting the distribution of specific and general functions over DNA with this distribution as found in proteins and by distinguishing functional compatibility from pivotal functionality. The sequence constraints to which heterochromatin as well as, apparently, long interspersed repetitive sequences are known to be subject seem to imply that DNA, even when it does not carry out a pivotal function, is indeed, at the very least, required to be polite.
/ This paper explores the new politics of western water policy through an examination of the Animas-La Plata water project and implementation of the Endangered Species Act. It is suggested that the focus of western water programming has shifted from the source of distributed funds, the United States Congress, to the agencies originally created to deliver federal benefits because funding for new project construction has not been forthcoming. Under this new system, members of Congress continue to excite their constituents with promises of money for new project starts, while the administrative agencies perform the myriad duties needed to keep these projects alive. The result is that political objectives have replaced operational/management objectives in administrative processes. In this case, the author demonstrates how resource managers in the Bureau of Reclamation manipulated hydrological analysis to control administrative process, why their manipulation was unfair, and perhaps illegal, and why biologists from the US Fish and Wildlife Service accepted the analysis. While ostensibly protecting all interests, the result is that none of the objectives of federal water programming are achieved. KEY WORDS: Environmental management; Administrative politics; Water policy; Endangered Species Act; Animas-La Plata, Bureau of Reclamation
This essay analyzes one of Germany's former premier research institutions for biomedical research, the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics (KWIA) as a test case for the way in which politics and human heredity served as resources for each other during the Third Reich. Examining the KWIA from this perspective brings us a step closer to answering the questions at the heart of most recent scholarship concerning the biomedical community under the swastika: (1) How do we explain why the vast majority of German human geneticists and eugenicists were willing to work for the National Socialist state and, at the very least, legitimized its exterminationist racial policy; and (2) what accounts for at least some of Germany's most renowned medically trained professionals' involvement in forms of morally compromised science that wholly transcend the bounds of normal scientific practice? Although a complete answer to this question must await an examination of other German biological research centers, the present study suggests that during the Nazi period the symbiotic relationship between human genetics and politics served to radicalize both. The dynamic between the science of human heredity and Nazi politics changed the research practice of some of the biomedical sciences housed at the KWIA. It also simultaneously made it easier for the Nazi state to carry out its barbaric racial program leading, finally, to the extermination of millions of so-called racial undesirables.
Medicare, the major program that organizes the delivery and financing of health care for the elderly in the United States, is being rapidly and significantly changed in order to bring Federal expenditures for health care under control. Questions of 'equity', 'justice' and 'access to health care' (that have long been associated with liberal ideology) have lost discursive currency within the realm of acceptable political debate that now focuses on 'economy' and the restoration of 'competitive market forces' to the health care industry (a point of view associated with conservative ideology). Pluralistic analyses of American health care policy most often focus on the differences between liberals and conservatives and could only explain the current bipartisan effort to reorganize Medicare as a defeat for liberals and as a vindication for the conservative perspective during a period of economic crisis. This essay develops the alternative point of view that American political debate on health care, among and between liberals and conservatives, has always taken place within a space bracketed by well defined limits established by widespread support for the market model of health care. The strength and dominance of this model that organizes and supports the private production of health care for profit is far more important in explaining the continuity in American health care policy over time and the recent policy adjustments than any examination of ideological differences between political conservatives and liberals. After analyzing the limited framework of debate structured by the market model of health care, this paper critically examines the recent changes in Medicare and challenges the market model on empirical grounds. Finally, the author returns to a discussion of the implications of these changes for equity and justice.
The therapeutic success of physician-patient interactions depends in large part on how physicians interpret and respond to patients' implicit and explicit messages. Using a hypothetical vignette, in which a patient refuses to comply with a recommended therapeutic regimen, we found that first-year medical students with no classroom training in medical interviewing implicitly recognized that the situation called for face preserving or polite linguistic behavior. Ninety percent of them used culturally sanctioned politeness forms to repair the conversational breakdown depicted in the vignette. They responded to this clinical scenario, however, with linguistic behaviors borrowed from their everyday interactions, some of which were culturally appropriate, but not necessarily therapeutic. We suggest that students can learn to adapt their culturally appropriate behaviors and engage in therapeutic communication as physicians if they are given the necessary conceptual tools. We discuss how Brown and Levinson's theories of politeness and strategic language usage can (1) provide a framework for interpreting communication in general and physician-patient interaction in particular, (2) illuminate some of the problems inherent in doctor-patient encounters, and (3) be used prescriptively for teaching students and health professionals how to avoid some communication difficulties.
This paper examines the association of political ideology with health lifestyle practices and self-rated health in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine. The political trajectory of post-Soviet societies has taken two divergent paths, either toward democracy or autocracy. The health trajectory has followed the same pattern with the more autocratic states continuing to experience a mortality crisis, while those former socialist countries that have embraced democracy and moved closer to the West have escaped this crisis. This paper investigates whether political ideology in three post-Soviet countries that are firmly (Belarus), increasingly (Russia), or recently (Ukraine) autocratic is related to health lifestyles and health self-ratings. Data were collected by face-to-face interviews (N = 8406) with a representative national sample of the adult population. The results show that respondents who are against restoring communism have healthier lifestyles and rate their health better than respondents who wish to see communism return.
The countries of southeastern Europe including the Balkan region and bordering countries - Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Greece, Hungary, Macedonia, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovenia, and the European part of Turkey - occupy a very important strategic position and represent a land bridge between Europe and Asia. In the majority of southeastern European countries, cases of trichinellosis among the human and animal populations were described in the late 19th or early 20th centuries. Trichinella infections among wildlife were also described in the aforementioned countries. Today, the prevalence of trichinellosis is different between the Balkans and bordering countries. A high prevalence of trichinellosis in domestic animals and humans has been reported in Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro, Romania and Croatia. A moderate prevalence was found in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Hungary, human trichinellosis has not been present for a long period of time. However, sporadic cases were recorded in swine over the last 2 years. Trichinellosis has not been found among domestic animals and humans in Greece and Macedonia in recent years while in Turkey and Slovenia human trichinellosis is sporadic. The re-emergence of trichinellosis is connected with the changes in the social and political systems in Bulgaria and Romania. In Serbia and Montenegro as well in Croatia, however, a re-emergence of trichinellosis was due not only to political and social changes but also to wars that took place in these countries during the last years of the 20th century. Social, economic and political factors responsible for the re-emergence of trichinellosis in southeast European countries are discussed in this communication.
By using regression analyses on data from 355 full-time employees of a customer-service organization in the eastern United States, the authors tested the hypothesis that perceptions of organizational politics are more strongly related to job dissatisfaction among individuals who perceive low levels of teamwork importance than among those who perceive high levels of teamwork importance. Hierarchical moderated regression analysis of the data revealed that the moderating effect of teamwork importance was most relevant at average-to-high levels of perceived politics. That finding supports the assertion that one way to address the negative impact of organizational politics is to try to ensure that employees value teamwork.
A political ecology approach to the study of environmental health problems can provide a comprehensive analytical framework with which to understand geographical and social disparities in health status. To date, however, political ecology has remained limited in its application to health problems, and where health has been addressed, biomedical models have prevailed, with little attention to differing explanatory models of health and disease. By integrating political ecology with an interpretive critical medical anthropology, one can better understand the ways in which health and environment intersect, and the differing social responses to environmental practices that affect human health. In this paper I summarize these theoretical issues and then discuss how this theory can be applied toward an analysis of air quality and health in Houston, Texas. This research suggests that local understandings of respiratory health often contradict public health concepts of environmental health and, in turn, differentially shape people's interactions with the environment.