The acquisition of the voicing contrast in Spanish: a phonetic and phonological study of word-initial stop consonants.
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Among the contextual factors known to play a role in segmental perception are the rate at which the speech was produced and the lexical status of the item, that is, whether it is a meaningful word of the language. In a series of experiments on the word-initial /b/-/p/ voicing distinction, we investigated the conditions under which these factors operate during speech processing. The results indicated that under instructions of speeded responding, listeners could, on some trials, ignore some later occurring contextual information within the word that specified rate and lexical status. Importantly, however, they could not ignore speaking rate entirely. Although they could base their decision on only the early portion of the word, when doing so they treated the word as if it were physically short--that is to say, as if there were no later occurring information specifying a slower rate. This suggests that listeners always take account of rate when identifying the voicing value of a consonant, but precisely which information within the word is used to specify rate can vary with task demands.
C. T. Best, M. Studdert-Kennedy, S. Manuel, and J. Rubin-Spitz (1989) reported that listeners given speech labels showed categorical-like perception of a series of complex tone analogs to a /la/-/ra/ speech series, whereas nonspeech listeners were unable to classify the stimuli consistently. In 2 experiments, a new training and testing procedure was used with adult listeners given nonspeech instructions. They classified the /la/-/ra/ tone analogs consistently, showed categorical-like perception, and generalized their training to a new, /li/-/ri/ tone analog series. Two sets of auditory attributes were described for coding the /l/-/r/ distinction, and 1 was shown to quantitatively predict listeners' classification of both series. These results are consistent with models of perception in which a rich, abstract auditory code is computed and forms the basis for both speech and nonspeech auditory categories.
This study examines the potential encoding in long-term memory of subphonemic, within-category variation in voice onset time (VOT) and the degree to which this encoding of subtle variation is mediated by lexical competition. In 4 long-term repetition-priming experiments, magnitude of priming was examined as a function of variation in VOT in words with voiced counterparts (cape-gape) and without (cow-*gow) and words whose counterparts were high frequency (pest-best) or low frequency (pile-bile). The results showed that within-category variation was indeed encoded in memory and could have demonstrable effects on priming. However, there were also robust effects of prototypical representations on priming. Encoding of within-category variation was also affected by the presence of lexical counterparts and by the frequency of counterparts.
Six dogs (Canis familiaris) were trained to sit and come reliably in response to tape-recorded commands. The phonemes within these commands were then changed, and the dogs' behavior in response to these modified commands was recorded. Performance markedly declined in all cases, with the type of alteration affecting response to the modified sit command but not to the modified come command. The results suggest that dogs do not perceive a tape-recorded command as simply a physical sound but that they recognize a relationship between certain sounds.
Event-related magnetic fields were recorded using magnetoencephalography in children with (n=12) and without (n=11) dyslexia while they discriminated between pairs of syllables from a voice onset time series (/ga/-/ka/). Nonimpaired readers exhibited left-hemisphere predominance of activity after the resolution of the N1m, whereas children with dyslexia experienced a sharp peak of relative activation in right temporoparietal areas between 300 and 700 ms post-stimulus onset. Increased relative activation in right temporoparietal areas was correlated with reduced performance on phonological processing measures. Results are consistent with the notion that deficits in appreciating the sound structure of both written and spoken language are associated with abnormal neurophysiological activity in temporoparietal language areas in children with dyslexia.
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