A mandatory student health insurance program at a large state university.
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OBJECTIVES: Comparisons of cancer survival in Canadian and US metropolitan areas have shown consistent Canadian advantages. This study tests a health insurance hypothesis by comparing cancer survival in Toronto, Ontario, and Honolulu, Hawaii. METHODS: Ontario and Hawaii registries provided a total of 9190 and 2895 cancer cases (breast and prostate, 1986-1990, followed until 1996). Socioeconomic data for each person's residence at the time of diagnosis were taken from population censuses. RESULTS: Socioeconomic status and cancer survival were directly associated in the US cohort, but not in the Canadian cohort. Compared with similar patients in Honolulu, residents of low-income areas in Toronto experienced 5-year survival advantages for breast and prostate cancer. In support of the health insurance hypothesis, between-country differences were smaller than those observed with other state samples and the Canadian advantage was larger among younger women. CONCLUSIONS: Hawaii seems to provide better cancer care than many other states, but patients in Toronto still enjoy a significant survival advantage. Although Hawaii's employer-mandated health insurance coverage seems an effective step toward providing equitable health care, even better care could be expected with a universally accessible, single-payer system.
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In France, public health insurance is universal but incomplete, with private payments accounting for roughly 25% of all spending. As a result, most people have supplemental private health insurance. We investigate the effects of such insurance on the utilization of physician services using data from the 1998 Enquête sur la santé et la protection sociale, a nationally representative survey of the non-institutionalized French population. Our results indicate that insurance has a strong and significant effect on the utilization of physician services. Individuals with supplemental coverage have substantially more physician visits than those without. While French patients have greater freedom than patients in other countries to choose to see a specialist rather than a general practitioner, we find no evidence that supplemental insurance affects this decision.
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Australia is similar to the United States in that it is a federation of states, its medical profession is well organized and politically powerful, and it has a substantial private sector. Unlike the United States, Australia provides universal access to health care and has controlled its total health care spending to around 8.5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). This paper reviews the role of private health insurance and recent initiatives to support this; the strategies used to control costs in the fee-for-service sector; and the capacity for experimentation in health care financing within a national system that guarantees universal access.
During the twentieth century, episodes of major health policy reform were relatively rare. These rare episodes were pivotal 'critical junctures' in determining the paths taken by modern health systems and in creating a unique health policy arena. A pivotal 'turning point' in Australia came in the form of national health insurance. Introduced in the early 1970s, Medibank (universal, compulsory national health insurance) was the first significant structural health policy change in Australia during the twentieth century. When Medibank health insurance proposals were presented in Australia, political struggles erupted. Government leaders in Australia faced fierce opposition from key players within the health policy arena. Prior to this turning point, one of the key health policy players-the Australian Medical Association (AMA)-had developed a corporate partnership with the non-Labor government. When the Medibank proposal emerged, power structures in the health policy arena were re-aligned. The political role of the AMA shifted from a corporate partner to a pressure group.Examining the political processes surrounding this unique episode of major health policy change helps to illuminate the dual and dynamic nature of the doctors' lobby. Our study aims to demonstrate empirically Day and Klein's proposition that the doctors' lobby operates as a pressure group, rather than as a corporate-style partner, during periods of structural reform in health care [Political Studies, 40 (1992) 462]. This case study of the doctors' lobby during Medibank negotiations represents a rare break in the tradition of ultimate medical professional veto power in health policy decision-making and provides empirical evidence that challenges a widely held perception about an inevitable historical path of medical dominance.
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The purpose of this article is to respond to the theories of Acceptance and Universal Patient Acceptance and their relationship to the American Dental Association's Principles of Ethics and Code of Professional Conduct (ADA Code). Universal Patient Acceptance (UPA) requires the dentist to communicate in some fashion with each patient who attempts to enter his or her practice to determine needs, desires, and financial ability to access dental care. The dentist must then help the patient gain entry into his or her practice or make appropriate referrals based on the patient's desires, needs, and financial status. The theory of UPA proposes that this action will alleviate some portion of the access problem. This article explores the notion of access as articulated in the ADA Code. The theory of UPA is explored from the view of the practicing dentist, noting the difficulties encountered when incorporating this theory into private practice. The conclusion is that the ADA Code offers appropriate guidance for ADA members regarding the ethical treatment of the underserved. Without further study, the inclusion of UPA in the ADA Code is not desirable. The author also concludes that support systems for the practicing dentist are necessary before UPA could be considered a reasonable way to practice dentistry.
OBJECTIVE: The study objective was to evaluate the relationship among health insurance type, other demographic factors, and newborn hearing screen compliance and outcomes. STUDY DESIGN: The cohort consisted of 39,153 infants screened in Rhode Island between July 1, 1995 and June 30, 1998. Multivariate analyses were completed to evaluate relationships between health insurance type and completion of the in-hospital hearing screen and the rescreen, if indicated. RESULTS: Successful newborn screen rates ranged from 98.1% to 99.8%. Infants with traditional Medicaid insurance were more likely to not be screened (p<0.0001) and to not return for a rescreen (p<0.0001). Infants in families with managed care Medicaid had screen compliance similar to infants with commercial health insurance. Multivariate analyses revealed that Medicaid insurance, no insurance, neonatal intensive care unit status, and out-of-state address predicted no initial screen (p<0.001) and no rescreen (p<0.0001). CONCLUSION: In population-based health services, it is important that the effects of socioeconomic and demographic variables on outcomes be evaluated.
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The persistently high number of people reporting that they have no health insurance has precipitated a number of new comprehensive proposals to extend coverage to most Americans. Such proposals must find solutions to fundamental problems that have thus far eluded policymakers, including the role of government regulation, how much to spend, and who should pay. The experience of the 1990s suggests that an effective policy would offer more choices of health plans through the private market, limit unnecessary government regulation, and provide appropriate subsidies to individuals.
Single-payer national health insurance could cover the uninsured and upgrade coverage for most Americans without increasing costs; savings on insurance overhead and other bureaucracy would fully offset the costs of improved care. In contrast, proposed incremental reforms are projected to cover a fraction of the uninsured, at great cost. Moreover, even these projections are suspect; reforms of the past quarter century have not stemmed the erosion of coverage. Despite incrementalists' claims of pragmatism, they have proven unable to shepherd meaningful reform through the political system. While national health insurance is often dismissed as ultra left by the policy community, it is dead center in public opinion. Polls have consistently shown that at least 40%, and perhaps 60%, of Americans favor such reform.
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