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[What is the meaning of the concept "incapacity for work"?].

In the Dutch Social Disability Insurance Act (WAO) the unit of measure is the loss of wages the client sustains due to his handicap, not the disease, illness or handicap itself. In principle disability is not established by medical facts only: the main question is what a client could earn by working fulltime in suitable work. For that reason it is usually the labour expert, not the doctor who ultimately assesses the measure of disability. In spite of health complaints, everyone can still do something and disability on pure medical grounds therefore is, or at least should be, rather exceptional. The WAO gives no compensation for injury, grief, or overtaxed private conditions. A client does not have to confine himself to the jobs mentioned in the judgement by the labour expert.

Adult↗

Substance use and assignment of representative payees.

Recent legislation prohibiting the awarding of Social Security Disability Insurance benefits to people whose disability is based on drug and alcohol abuse has effectively eliminated the Social Security Administration's practice of assigning representative payees to such persons. Currently no regulations exist for assigning representative payees to substance users who receive benefits based on non-substance-use disabilities. The authors suggest guidelines for determining when recipients with comorbid substance use disorders are incapable of managing their benefit funds. Representative payeeship is recommended for recipients who meet three criteria within the last 12 months: a maladaptive pattern of substance use; mismanagement of funds due to substance use, causing substantial harm to the recipient, unavailability of sufficient funds to meet basic needs, or victimization of the recipient; and availability of a representative payee whose efforts would increase the likelihood that the beneficiary's mismanagement of funds will be curtailed.

Alcoholism↗

The external costs of a sedentary life-style.

Using data from the National Health Interview Survey and the RAND Health Insurance Experiment, we estimated the external costs (costs borne by others) of a sedentary life-style. External costs stem from additional payments received by sedentary individuals from collectively financed programs such as health insurance, sick-leave coverage, disability insurance, and group life insurance. Those with sedentary life-styles incur higher medical costs, but their life expectancy at age 20 is 10 months less so they collect less public and private pensions. The pension costs come late in life, as do some of the medical costs, and so the estimate of the external cost is sensitive to the discount rate used. At a 5 percent rate of discount, the lifetime subsidy from others to those with a sedentary life style is $1,900. Our estimate of the subsidy is also sensitive to the assumed effect of exercise on mortality. The subsidy is a rationale for public support of recreational facilities such as parks and swimming pools and employer support of programs to increase exercise.

Adult↗

Psychiatric rehabilitation.

The financial, personal, and societal costs of severe mental illness are extraordinarily high. Individuals suffering from schizophrenia occupy 25 percent of all hospital beds and account for 40 percent of all long-term care days. The rate of Supplemental Security income (SSI) and Social Security disability insurance (SSDI) beneficiaries who are disabled because of a mental disorder has increased more than 50 percent since 1986, and a total of more than 1.1 million individuals received benefits in 1991 because of their mental disorders. All of these costs have continued to rise despite the nearly ubiquitous administration of antipsychotic medication with its well-documented benefits. The most promising treatment to complement medication and produce better outcomes is psychiatric rehabilitation. It is based on the same rationale as rehabilitation for physically challenged individuals--illness produces impairments that make individuals less able to perform basic life skills that handicap them when they try to be students, workers, spouses, parents, etc. Rehabilitation teaches individuals to perform the basic skills using methods that compensate for the impairments, and modifying the environment so the new methods are successful or the skills are not required. Rehabilitation with severely mentally ill individuals is particularly challenging because of the extent of their impairments and disabilities. The impairments--flagrant symptoms that unpredictably wax, wane, and persist even with medication; reduced motivation to participate in community life; residual deficits in the most elemental cognitive processes of attention, memory, and abstraction--clearly limit individuals' abilities to perform life skills and function in major societal roles. Moreover, the challenge of successful rehabilitation is magnified by the individual-to-individual, time-to-time, and disorder-to-disorder variations in these impairments and disabilities. Given this challenge, how well does psychiatric rehabilitation work in practice? Two types of studies provide answers to this question; those that have focused exclusively on teaching skills to severely mentally ill individuals, and those that have focused on larger units of care, case management, and vocational rehabilitation, that typically include skills training as one of their services. The first type of study provides "pure" information but sacrifices, to some extent, clinical utility and immediate generality. The second provides information that can be transferred to clinical practice but sacrifices clarity about what is the effective ingredient in a set of intermingled services. The results of the first type have generally indicated, with some qualifications, that severely mentally ill individuals learn skills, use them in their own environments, and may receive other clinically meaningful benefits.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Humans↗

Dilemmas of anonymous predictive testing for Huntington disease: privacy vs. optimal care.

Some persons at risk for Huntington disease (HD) seek predictive testing under the protection of anonymity to reduce the risk of insurance discrimination for themselves and their families. While Canadian and European health care systems seem to limit insurance discrimination to life and disability insurance, U.S. residents do not have national health insurance and are concerned about health insurance discrimination. Two persons residing outside Canada requested predictive testing anonymously. Their primary reason for doing so was to avoid the risks of medical insurance discrimination. After a detailed preparatory session and agreement to counselling and to receipt of results in person, we agreed to provide anonymous testing to these persons. One participant, whose psychological assessment was unremarkable, coped well with the predictive testing process and did not have the CAG expansion. The other participant had considerable emotional problems prior to testing, which necesitated postponement of discussion of results and referral for psychiatric assessment and support. Both participants had difficulty maintaining anonymity. The provision of anonymous predictive testing raises several problems. With anonymous testing, clinicians cooperate with participants to exclude insurance companies from information. This may invalidate the contract with insurance companies. A policy response by insurance companies or a universal health care system to protect individuals is preferable. Individuals who request anonymous testing may be precisely those most vulnerable and in need of additional support and counselling. However, the preservation of anonymity is a burden to participants and may frustrate the clinicians' ability to establish rapport in counselling and to provide appropriate follow-up typically available through genetic counselling in predictive testing programs.

Adult↗

Subjective health measures and state dependent reporting errors.

The use of subjective health measures in empirical models of labour supply and retirement decisions has frequently been criticized. Responses to questions concerning health may be biased due to financial incentives and the willingness to conform to social rules. The eligibility conditions for some social security allowances, notably Disability Insurance benefits, are contingent upon bad health. Even if the decision to apply for a disability allowance is to some extent motivated by financial considerations or a relatively strong preference for leisure, respondents will be inclined to play down these motives and emphasize the importance of their health condition. As a consequence, reporting errors may depend on the labour market status of the respondent and self-reported health variables will be endogenous in labour supply and retirement models. The objective of this paper is to assess the importance of state dependent reporting errors in survey responses and to propose and estimate a model that can be used to account for this kind of systematic mis-reporting. The estimation results indicate that among respondents receiving Disability Allowance, reporting errors are large and systematic. Using such subjective health measures in retirement models may therefore seriously bias the parameter estimates and the conclusions drawn from these.

Adult↗

Determining disability and blindness; substantial gainful activity guides. Social Security Administration. Final rules.

We are revising our rules to reflect amendments to the Social Security Act (the Act) concerning the trial work period and the disability insurance reentitlement period. We are also clarifying certain standards we use to determine whether work is substantial gainful activity and whether an individual is entitled to a trial work period, thereby further explaining how we determine disability under titles II and XVI of the Act.

Blindness↗

Disability and quality of life in cystic fibrosis from early age to adulthood.

We evaluated the utility of the Social Security disability Insurance (SSD) program and the supplemental Security Income (SSI) program in cystic fibrosis (CF) patients with disability. Also, we evaluated the role of health care professionals in increasing the disabled patients awareness of the different resources available for them.

Adolescent↗

Breast cancer detection and outcomes in a disability beneficiary population.

Women with disabilities may be at higher risk of late-stage breast cancer. Using the 1991-93 Medicare-Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results (SEER)-linked data set, the authors compared stage at diagnosis and mortality, for Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI)-qualifying women and similarly aged non-SSDI qualifying women. Disabled patients were diagnosed at a later American Joint Committee on Cancer stage. Disabled patients had higher all-cause mortality rates but had similar breast cancer-specific mortality. Disabled women belonging to Medicare HMOs tended to have earlier stage diagnosis and better survival compared to Medicare fee-for-service (FFS) insurance. In conclusion, disabled patients tended to be diagnosed with breast cancer at a later stage and to have higher mortality. These findings were more pronounced in Medicare FFS than in Medicare HMOs.

Aged↗

What's ailing us? Prevalence and type of long-term disabilities among an insured cohort of orthodontists.

Occupational health risks are present in every profession. This article reviews 4 commonly mentioned conditions that might be health risks in orthodontics and dentistry--musculoskeletal problems, carpal tunnel syndrome, dermatoses and allergies, and psychosocial problems--and compares the reported prevalence rates with data from the American Association of Orthodontists Long-Term Disability Insurance Plan. There is an estimated 3.56% prevalence of long-term disability among orthodontists. The expected and actual specific conditions affecting orthodontists could differ from those of the general public or of general dentists and do not appear to equate with self-reported surveys. Suggestions for improved reporting are made. Orthodontists appear to be quite healthy compared with other insured populations and the general public. Most long-term disabilities among orthodontists appear to be chronic illnesses and not repetitive injuries or specific occupational hazards.

Carpal Tunnel Syndrome↗

Workers' compensation: 1984-88 benchmark revisions.

About 93.1 million workers were covered under workers' compensation laws in 1988--an increase of 11 percent from the 1984 total. Benefit amounts totaled $30.7 billion--an increase of about 56 percent since 1984. Of the total payments made under the workers' compensation program, $17.6 billion went to disabled workers, $1.6 billion to their survivors, and $11.5 billion for medical care. The Social Security Administration (SSA) is interested in measuring economic security in the United States, and workers' compensation plays a large role in that measurement. This article represents one part of our overall effort to determine the roles the various income-maintenance programs play in helping citizens of the United States achieve economic security. The figures presented here provide readers with an opportunity to review workers' compensation program operations during much of the 1980's. Workers' compensation is also important to SSA because that program is directly related to the Social Security Disability Insurance program. Since 1965, Social Security disability benefits have been subject to reduction if the beneficiary also receives workers' compensation and the combined benefits exceed 80 percent of previous earnings. In addition, SSA has been directly involved in providing income maintenance for disability from work-related diseases since 1969 when the Federal Black Lung benefits program was established.

Humans↗

The resistible rise of preventive medicine.

The politics of preventive health care have changed dramatically in the last fifteen years. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, prevention was the motherhood issue of health care reform. With only the slightest glimmer of controversy, vaccination, promotion of lifestyle changes, mass screening, and safety regulation all became widely accepted strategies for improving health and reducing medical expenditures. By the mid-1980s, the dark side of each strategy became visible. Vaccinations can cause serious and permanent injuries; lifestyle factors are being used to raise insurance premiums, to deny eligibility for disability insurance benefits, and to deny employment. Screening is similarly used to deny employment, and new technologies for prenatal screening have raised fears of stigma and selective abortion among racial, handicapped, and antiabortion groups. Occupational safety regulation is increasingly focused on excluding the "high-risk" individual from jobs. In the absence of social protections from these economic and social harms, citizens have used tort and civil rights litigation to resist preventive health measures.

Health Promotion↗

Disability evaluation following stroke.

The physician performing a disability evaluation needs to document the stroke patient's impairments carefully. This is achieved through a thorough history, physical examination, and if necessary, neuropsychologic assessment. Most often, the clinician will deal with the Social Security Administration system; however, the physician may occasionally need to provide this information for private disability insurance.

Disability Evaluation↗

Case management at work for SSA disability beneficiaries: process results of the Project NetWork return-to-work demonstration.

This article presents the results of the process analysis of the evaluation of the Project NetWork demonstration, a Federal demonstration undertaken by the Social Security Administration (SSA) in 1991 to test alternative methods of providing rehabilitation and employment services to SSA's Disability Insurance beneficiaries and Supplemental Security Income disabled and blind applicants and recipients. The major findings are: (1) from an operational standpoint, it is feasible to expand access to vocational rehabilitation (VR) services to a broad spectrum of SSA beneficiaries, and (2) roughly similar results are achieved, in terms of client intake and provision of services, when case management services are provided by SSA staff, contracted out to State VR agencies, or contracted with private VR providers. Later evaluation reports will trace demonstration impacts on earnings and disability benefits and report the overall benefits and costs of return-to-work services for this population.

Adolescent↗

Can differences in benefit levels explain duration and outcome of sickness absence?

PURPOSE: The aim of this study is to examine the long- and short-term economic incentives inherent in the sickness and unemployment insurances. In particular, how the differences, in, for instance, benefit levels between the two systems, affect the duration and outcome of long-term sickness for the unemployed. METHOD: A sample of 280 sick-registered unemployed in the county of Värmland, Sweden was used in two regression models. Sickness duration was modelled in a linear regression and the outcome (healthy and non-healthy) in a logistic regression. RESULTS AND CONCLUSION: The study shows that economic incentives, i.e. differences in benefit levels, help in explaining sickness duration. The proven fact, that benefits from the sickness insurance are in general higher than from the unemployment insurance, results in the sickness spells being prolonged. Indications are also found of a preference for long-term income security through the sickness and disability insurances, using the length of unemployment before sickness registration, as a determinant of the outcome of the sickness spell.

Absenteeism↗

Claimant identification pilot projects. Final rules.

We are revising our regulations that pertain to the processing of initial claims for disability benefits under title II (Social Security Disability Insurance) and title XVI (Supplemental Security Income) of the Social Security Act (the Act). We will be conducting pilot projects wherein we will request photographic identification from individuals filing for title II and title XVI disability and blindness benefits in specified geographic areas covered by the pilot projects. In addition, we will require individuals to allow us to take their photograph and we will make these photographs a part of the claims folder. We will permit an exception to the photograph requirement when an individual has a sincere religious objection. This process will strengthen the integrity of the disability claims process by helping to ensure that the individual filing the application is the same individual examined by the consultative examination (CE) physician.

Confidentiality↗

The net effects of the Project NetWork return-to-work case management experiment on participant earnings, benefit receipt, and other outcomes.

The Social Security Administration (SSA) initiated Project NetWork in 1991 to test case management as a means of promoting employment among persons with disabilities. The demonstration, which targeted Social Security Disability Insurance (DI) beneficiaries and Supplemental Security Income (SSI) applicants and recipients, offered intensive outreach, work-incentive waivers, and case management/referral services. Participation in Project NetWork was voluntary. Volunteers were randomly assigned to the "treatment" group or the "control" group. Those assigned to the treatment group met individually with a case or referral manager who arranged for rehabilitation and employment services, helped clients develop an individual employment plan, and provided direct employment counseling services. Volunteers assigned to the control group could not receive services from Project NetWork but remained eligible for any employment assistance already available in their communities. For both treatment and control groups, the demonstration waived specific DI and SSI program rules considered to be work disincentives. The experimental impact study thus measures the incremental effects of case and referral management services. The eight demonstration sites were successful in implementing the experimental design roughly as planned. Project NetWork staff were able to recruit large numbers of participants and to provide rehabilitation and employment services on a substantial scale. Most of the sites easily reached their enrollment targets and were able to attract volunteers with demographic characteristics similar to those of the entire SSI and DI caseload and a broad range of moderate and severe disabilities. However, by many measures, volunteers were generally more "work-ready" than project eligible in the demonstration areas who did not volunteer to receive NetWork services. Project NetWork case management increased average annual earnings by $220 per year over the first 2 years following random assignment. This statistically significant impact, an approximate 11-percent increase in earnings, is based on administrative data on earnings. For about 70 percent of sample members, a third year of followup data was available. For this limited sample, the estimated effect of Project NetWork on annual earnings declined to roughly zero in the third followup year. The findings suggest that the increase in earnings may have been short-lived and may have disappeared by the time Project NetWork services ended. Project NetWork did not reduce reliance on SSI or DI benefits by statistically significant amounts over the 30-42 month followup period. The services provided by Project NetWork thus did not reduce overall SSI and DI caseloads or benefits by substantial amounts, especially given that only about 5 percent of the eligible caseload volunteered to participate in Project NetWork. Project NetWork produced modest net benefits to persons with disabilities and net costs to taxpayers. Persons with disabilities gained mainly because the increases in their earnings easily outweighed the small (if any) reduction in average SSI and DI benefits. For SSA and the federal government as a whole, the costs of Project NetWork were not sufficiently offset by increases in tax receipts resulting from increased earnings or reductions in average SSI and DI benefits. The modest net benefits of Project NetWork to persons with disabilities are encouraging. How such benefits of an experimental intervention should be weighed against costs of taxpayers depends on value judgments of policymakers. Because different case management projects involve different kinds of services, these results cannot be directly generalized to other case management interventions. They are nevertheless instructive for planning new initiatives. Combining case and referral management services with various other interventions, such as longer term financial support for work or altered provider incentives, could produc

Adolescent↗