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Vested interest and symbolic politics--observations and recommendations: reply To Sears (1997).

In his comment on the author's original article (W. D. Crano, 1997) on vested interest, symbolic politics, and attitude-behavior consistency, D. Sears (1997) concentrated on 3 important features of the original study: the logic of the analytic design, the strength of effects and, more broadly, the possibility that the apparent discontinuity between survey and laboratory findings on self-interest and attitude may reside in respondent characteristics. In response, it is argued that (a) the analytic logic, although at variance with that used in survey studies of symbolic politics, is appropriate, logical, and in conformance with standard practice; (b) the predicted effects reported are both statistically and practically significant; (c) the discontinuity between laboratory and field research may be more apparent than real; but (d) a more intense integration of self-interest and symbolic politics--a suggestion made in the original article--is precisely what is needed.

Attitude↗

Addressing political and racial terror in the therapeutic relationship.

Political and racial terror have important implications for the process of psychotherapy. This type of trauma can have unique effects on individual psychology and the larger social context of patients' lives that are distinct from other types of interpersonal trauma. Several intrapsychic processes, such as one's experience of mirroring, fear of annihilation, identification and internalization of aggression, the collective remembering of trauma, and subsequent mourning, are transformed through one's experiences of political and racial terror. Clinical illustrations of 2 patients treated in psychotherapy before and after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, elaborate these effects of political and racial trauma. The implications of addressing these types of traumatic experience in psychotherapy, including issues of therapeutic neutrality, are discussed.

Adult↗

Understanding responses to political conflict: interactive effects of the need for closure and salient conflict schemas.

Two studies examined the relationship between the need for cognitive closure and preferences for conflict-resolution strategies in 2 different samples of elite political actors. Although research has suggested that high need for closure should be associated with competitiveness, the authors argue that this relationship should be strongest among political actors with a hostile conflict schema, or representation of what a conflict is and how it should be dealt with. The authors provide evidence for this hypothesis using archival survey data on American foreign-policy officials' attitudes toward international conflict at the height of the Cold War (Study 1) and their own data on the relationship between the need for closure and conflict-strategy preferences among samples of activists from 2 political parties in Poland: a centrist party with a reputation for cooperativeness and an extremist party with a reputation for confrontation (Study 2). The broader implications of these findings are discussed.

Adolescent↗

Life scientists and politics in the United States.

Many biologists are active in politics in the United States. Their efforts combined with those of other advocates, such as patient groups and members of Congress, have made funding of biomedical research a priority for both of the main political parties. Life scientists, acting through scientific societies and the National Academies of Science, also have a strong influence on political debates about issues with a scientific basis.

Biology↗

The politics of nursing: a framework for analysis.

The phrase the 'politics of nursing' has become part of the language of the nursing profession. However, the meanings attributed to this phrase in the literature are not always clear. The difficulties involved in arriving at an accurate definition of the term are discussed and the suggestion is made that this emerging area of study would be advanced if greater accuracy, in using the terminology, was employed when discussing and researching nursing politics. A framework, drawing on approaches that have been taken to address similar problems in the study of power, is proposed as a means of arriving at 'tighter' definitions for the terms involved. The conclusion is that if a degree of conceptual clarity is introduced, the work to expand the field of knowledge can progress in a more systematic way through the investigation of specific areas and levels of interrelated political activity. The debate is at an early stage and more work is needed to increase our understanding of this phenomenon.

Humans↗

The politics of collaboration as viewed through the lens of a collaborative nursing research project.

Collaborative research has much to offer nursing. However, the collaborative research process is fraught with issues arising from the 'politics of collaboration'. Such politics operate at the individual and institutional levels and can have debilitating effects on the research enterprise if they are not dealt with. This paper explores what is meant by collaboration and the politics of collaboration. Drawing on a critical perspective, it uses Brookfield's themes of impostorship, cultural suicide and roadrunning as the theoretical framework for the analysis. The paper uses an actual collaborative research project to ground the discussion provided.

Cooperative Behavior↗

Incorporating socio-political health promotion activities in clinical practice.

A criticism laid at the door of many nurses in relation to their health promotion activity is that they almost exclusively adopt a biomedical/preventative health education approach. When it comes to adopting socio-political health promotion approaches, there is scant evidence that nurses implement these activities in clinical practice. This article is designed to raise awareness and signpost the types of activities that nurses could be involved with if they wish to influence the broader social and political health promotion agenda. In doing so, it has developed an 'effect' programme model for socio-political health promotion practice as a framework for those practitioners who wish to review their current health-related activities and/or who are seeking to extend their range of health promotional practice. This article draws upon a critical review of the literature in order to develop an evolving theoretical perspective for health promotion practice. The proposed model was developed from this new perspective as were recommendations for practice.

Health Behavior↗

Lessons from history: the politics of psychiatry in the USSR.

The political-economic base of society affects every aspect of it, including nursing and psychiatry. This can be demonstrated by making a historical analysis of societies with different political-economic systems. Psychiatry in the USSR took a different form to psychiatry in the West. Differences included the diagnostic categories used and treatments employed. This can be investigated by examining accounts of clinical practice. Soviet psychiatry was also used for the systematic incarceration of political dissidents. Some commentators have drawn on the Soviet experience and used it to support an argument that psychiatry operates as a form of social control in the West as well as the USSR. This article shows how psychiatric abuse in the USSR was a historically specific response to a particular situation. Therefore some of the conclusions about Western psychiatry extrapolated from the Soviet experience are unsupportable. Whatever the role of psychiatry in the West, its mechanism is qualitatively different to that which existed in the USSR. In order to understand why Soviet medical workers were co-opted into the conscious abuse of psychiatry, it is essential to understand the specific nature of the USSR. This does not necessarily allow generalizations about Western psychiatry to be made from the Soviet experience. As psychiatric nurses, we can also learn from a particularly tragic period of psychiatry's history.

Humans↗

Cancer coalitions and cancer politics.

OBJECTIVES: To review the evolution of formal and informal coalitions and their involvement in cancer politics and policy. DATA SOURCES: Organizational and political experience. CONCLUSIONS: Cancer has gone through several stages of growth, from single institutions seeking specific favorable treatment, to competitive coalitions. With more than 850 cancer organizations and associations representing the various cancer constituencies, the practicalities of politics demand some consensus and cooperation remains a significant challenge. IMPLICATIONS FOR NURSING PRACTICE: Oncology nurses must be aware of the various cancer coalitions and have an understanding of how many organizations work together for the improvement of cancer care.

Health Care Coalitions↗

[A psychiatrist under the Nazi dictatorship--Karl Bonhoeffer's commitment to racially and politically persecuted colleagues].

Karl Bonhoeffer (1868-1948), professor of psychiatry at Breslau University and head of the psychiatric department of the Charité-hospital in Berlin, represented a view of personnel politics based solely on scientific and as personal competence. Anti-Semitism, often attributed to the faculty in Berlin during the Wilhelminian period and the Republic of Weimar, B. regarded as an utterly unsuitable criterion of personnel politics. Consequently, he had a considerable number of Jewish assistants as staff, about 30 altogether. In 1933, when massive persecution set in, quite a few of his students and assistants were persecuted for their political views. Some emigrated right away; others Bonhoeffer re-employed in spite of their membership in illegal leftist parties. Even larger was the number of assistants who were racially persecuted. Bonhoeffer took advantage of loop holes in the anti-Semitic legalities, using complaints at the ministry or cleverly written applications to extend contracts even against high odds. In spite of his support, however, they eventually were fired and had to emigrate. They often found work in other countries because of his recommendations, though. For at least one assistant and one patient as well as their families, Bonhoeffer's commitment saved their lives.

Germany↗

Becoming a Darwinian: the micro-politics of Sir Francis Galton's scientific career 1859-65.

In 1865 Francis Galton (1822-1911) published 'Hereditary Talent and Character', an elaborate attempt to prove the heritability of intelligence on the basis of pedigree data. It was the start of Galton's lifelong commitment to investigating the statistical patterns and physiological mechanisms of hereditary transmission. Most existing attempts to explain Galton's fascination for heredity have argued that he was driven by a commitment to conservative political ideologies to seek means of naturalizing human inequality. However, this paper shows that another factor of at least equal importance has been overlooked by Galton scholars: his determination during the 1860s to be accepted among the ranks of the Darwinian inner circle. By hitching his career to the fortunes of what looked likely to emerge as a new scientific elite, Galton felt that he could bypass the typically slow and uncertain route to achieving scientific distinction. For this essentially strategic reason, between 1860 and 1865 he drifted away from a set of existing scientific concerns that were failing to deliver the approbation that he desired. Earnestly seeking to ingratiate himself with the Darwinian lobby, he then toyed with a variety of potential research projects relevant to Darwinian evolution. Yet Galton consistently failed to stimulate the enthusiasm of the Darwinians. Finally, however, after several months of ruminating, in 1864 he settled on a study of eminent pedigrees as a subject that was both germane and highly useful to the Darwinian enterprise. Galton's willingness to shift the direction of his scientific career during the 1860s underscores the importance of examining the micro-politics of scientific careers in addition to their broader social and political context. This account also emphasizes the limitations of class-based explanations even when considering scientists whose work seems so manifestly indicative of ideological motivation.

Biological Evolution↗

Socio-political control in urban China: changes and crisis.

This paper examines urban China's socio-political control crisis under the impact of economic reforms as an epitome of a more general social crisis. The traditional urban institutional form of socio-political control in the People's Republic of China (PRC), the work unit form of control, is a variant of age-old forms. The latter's reproduction in variant form in the former was premised upon the fact that the PRC's industrialization was carried out by a peasant-based party creating a new working class of rural migrants engaged in non-market production and exchange. The persistence of non-market economic relations ensured this form of control's continued reproduction. Post-1978 market-oriented reforms have undermined this form. As the emergence of new forms has been slow, a socio-political control crisis has arisen, at a time when millions of urban employees are being thrown out of work. In dealing with the crisis, the official trade union, an organic constituent institution of the work unit form of control, plays a prominent part, in being given the tasks of sustaining this decaying form, and preventing and defusing potential social explosion. Yet, the very economic reform programme that has undermined the work unit form of control, is also gravely weakening the union.

Ghana↗

Hope and despair: making sense of politics in the twenty-first century.

As his life degenerates into accelerating cycles of chaos in the film 'Clockwork', the headmaster, played by John Cleese, expresses his existential response to the latest crisis in his life: 'It's not the despair, I can cope with the despair. It's the hope I can't stand.' Politics as hope has fallen out of favour. Whether from cynicism, pessimism or realism--or a combination of all three--the standing of politics, let alone politicians, is at a very low ebb. This reality provides the opportunity to assess both causes and consequences by asking: how do we make sense of politics? The following discussion considers this vital question under four headings: context, participation, issues and goals.

Cultural Diversity↗

A comparison of situational and dispositional predictors of perceptions of organizational politics.

The present study is an investigation of situational and dispositional characteristics that may predispose an employee to perceive his or her organization as political. Participants were 501 regular members, civilian members, and public servants of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Measures used for this research were the Formalization Scale (G. R. Oldham & J. R. Hackman, 1981), the Job Autonomy Scale (H. P. Sims, A. D. Szilagyi, & R. T. Keller, 1976), the Mach IV (A. Zook & G. J. Sipps, 1986), the Dominance subscale from the Manifest Needs Questionnaire (R. M. Steers & D. N. Braunstein, 1976), the Survey of Organizational Climate (J. C. Taylor & D. G. Bowers, 1972), the Perceptions of Organizational Politics Scale (G. R. Ferris & K. M. Kacmar, 1992), and the Work Locus of Control Scale (P. E. Spector, 1988). Results indicated that organizational climate, formalization, work locus of control (both internal and external measures), and Machiavellianism were significant predictors, accounting for 52% of the variance in participants' perceptions of organizational politics. Limitations of the present study and directions for future research are outlined.

Adult↗

Psychodynamic theory and practice in the study of political life: a review essay.

Autonomy, individuality, and freedom are values central to psychoanalytic inquiry. The theory, in its political form, defends the individual against the demands and tyrannical pressures of the group. In its applied dimension, psychoanalytic theory contributes considerable insight to understanding political relationships and the values supportive of political liberalism.

Group Processes↗

Bringing political ecology into critical medical anthropology: a challenge to biocultural approaches.

This essay presents an effort to incorporate the "environment" into critical medical anthropology. Rather than relying upon the multifactorial approach characteristic of medical ecology or biocultural approaches in medical anthropology, it urges critical medical anthropologists to turn to the burgeoning literature on eco-Marxism, eco-socialism, or political ecology in their efforts to develop a political ecology of health. Given that political ecologists generally advocate democratic eco-socialism as a meaningful alternative to the capitalist world system, this essay also presents a critical examination of the environmental record of post-revolutionary societies.

Anthropology↗

Conducting feminist research in nursing: personal and political challenges.

The challenges of doing feminist nursing research include both personal and political elements. Some of these arise from the threefold influences of being nurses, women, and academics within a larger social context that may be antithetical to feminist values. This paper explores such challenges, using examples from the research of each of the three authors. It includes discussion of such concepts as the tendency to reify certain methodologies and the political forces that may drive research decisions. The authors summarize the challenges of doing feminist nursing research as learning to integrate diverse approaches rather than adhering to a politically correct way of conducting research. They draw on their own research experiences to illustrate the internal conflicts and personal struggles inherent in overcoming the perception that there is one proper way to conduct feminist inquiry.

Attitude of Health Personnel↗

Politics, religions, and grief: the cases of American spiritualism and the Deuteronomic reform in Israel.

The article is a contribution to the task of developing a cross-cultural model of grief. It shows that grief narratives can be complexly interwoven with the religious and political narratives of the culture. Two political reforms in which religious narratives figured prominently are given as case examples: 19th-century Spiritualism in North America and the Deuteronomic reform in 7th-century BCE Israel. Similarities and differences between the two are discussed. The article concludes that an adequate cross-cultural model of grief must be capable of explaining how a particular grief narrative relates to the politics and religious narratives in which it is set.

Adult↗