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The right to vote for the institutionalized mentally retarded.
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[Nurses and the right to vote].
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[Health visiting. When women obtained right to vote we got health visitors].
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[Exercising the right to vote in old age homes].
Inmates of homes for old persons are unrestrictedly intitled to vote, as far as they are not put under tutelage. If they are not bodily hindered, they vote in the competent polling-place. In larger homes, a special polling-place may be established. Other inmates may vote from their beds, and if they are bodily hindered a man of their confidence may help them. Misuse will be punished.
German vote. Animal rights amendment defeated.
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"I'm all right, John": voting patterns and mortality in England and Wales, 1981-92.
OBJECTIVE: To investigate the association between voting patterns, deprivation, and mortality across England and Wales. DESIGN: Ecological study. SETTING: All the electoral constituencies of England and Wales. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Combined and sex specific standardised mortality ratios. RESULTS: For the years surrounding the three elections of 1983, 1987, and 1992 overall standardised mortality ratios showed substantial negative correlations of -0.74 to -0.76 with Conservative voting and substantial positive correlations of 0.73 to 0.77 with Labour voting (all P < 0.0001). Correlations were higher for male than female mortality. Conservative voting was strongly negatively correlated (r = -0.84) with the Townsend deprivation score, while Labour voting was positively correlated (r = 0.74) with this. Labour and Conservative voting explained more of the variance in mortality than did the Townsend score. In multiple regression analyses for the 1992 election Labour voting (P < 0.0001), Conservative voting (P < 0.0001), the Townsend score (P = 0.016), and abstentions (P = 0.032) were all associated with mortality. Labour and conservative voting explained 61% of the variance in mortality between constituencies; when Townsend score and abstentions were added this increased to 63%. CONCLUSIONS: Conservative and Labour voting are at least as strongly associated with mortality as is a standard deprivation index. Voting patterns may add information above that provided by indicators of material deprivation. People living in better circumstances and who have better health, who are least likely to require unemployment benefit and free school meals or to rely on a state pension in old age, and who are most able to opt out of state subsidised provision of transport, education, and the NHS, vote for the party that is most likely to dismantle the welfare state.
Voting ourselves rights: a critique of the Canadian Medical Association Charter for Physicians.
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Exercise your right to vote.
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Do nursing home residents use the right to vote?
This paper describes the results of a postal survey of the level of participation in the local government elections of May 1994 by residents of nursing homes. This group was found to have much lower levels of participation than those living in the community. Factors that were identified as contributing to the level of participation included: a relatively low rate or registration, impaired decision-making abilities of some residents, availability of postal voting and the expectations of nursing staff.
Psychiatric patients and the federal election.
A questionnaire was sent to all eligible voters at the St. Thomas Psychiatric Hospital prior to the November 1988 election. It measured political awareness and knowledge. A further subgroup of patients who were eligible to vote but chose not to be enumerated were also questioned to explore their reasons for not voting. The results showed patients had a high level of knowledge about our political process. We conclude that previous laws banning voting by psychiatric patients were unnecessarily discriminatory and efforts should be made to give voting rights to patients in other countries where they are not allowed to vote.
Indicators of deprivation, voting patterns, and health status at area level in the Republic of Ireland.
STUDY OBJECTIVE: To determine what relation, if any, exists between mortality patterns, indicators of deprivation, general lifestyle and social attitudes, as exemplified by general election voting pattern, in the Republic of Ireland. A relation has been demonstrated previously between voting and mortality patterns in the United Kingdom. DESIGN: Cross sectional ecological study using three data sources. Standardised mortality ratios (SMR) were based on mortality rates at county level and 1996 census data from the Central Statistics Office, 1997 general election first preference voting data in all 41 constituencies were aggregated to county level. Selected reported measures of health status, lifestyle and social circumstances are from the first ever National survey on lifestyles, attitudes and nutrition (SLAN). This study comprised adults over 18 years sampled by post using the electoral register from 273 representative district electoral divisions. Univariate inter-relations were examined at individual level for the dataset as a whole, adjusting for age and at aggregated level for 26 county borough areas, which included the two largest cities and for 22 county areas, which afforded correlation with voting pattern, using the method of Pearson's correlation coefficient. PARTICIPANTS: 1,806,932 votes were cast nationally at the 1997 general election, representing a voter turnout of 65.92 %. There was an overall response rate of 62% to SLAN comprising 6539 adults (47% male). The demographic pattern of survey respondents was consistent with that of the general population over 18 years. MAIN RESULTS: At individual level there was a large number of highly significant inter-relations between indicators of deprivation, various measures of self rated health status and lifestyle factors. Aggregated at 26 county level percentage unemployed (r=0.408, p=0.038), and level of education (r=0.475, p=0.014) related significantly to SMR and inversely to both fruit and vegetable consumption (r= -0.672, p=0.001) and excess alcohol consumption among men (r= -595, p=0.003). Those rating their health as fair or poor were more likely to report a poor quality of life (r=0.487, p=0.022), to have none or primary school education only (r=0.428, p=0.047), or to have a means tested medical services card (r=0.428, p=0.047). There was no significant relation between SMR and voting pattern for the two main political parties (67.28% first preferences) but a significant relation with left wing voting (r=0.446, p=0.037). Fianna Fail voting pattern was inversely related to level of dissatisfaction with health (r= -0.59, p<0.05). There was a positive significant relation between left wing voting and dissatisfaction with health (r=0.51, p<0.02) and rate of smoking (r=0.47, p=0.03). Smoking pattern also related positively to rates of voter abstention (r=0.526, p=0.12). CONCLUSIONS: These data are consistent with those in other countries in showing a relation between deprivation indicators and lifestyle, but differ in that no relation with SMR and the votes cast for the main parties was seen in a country with a mainly centre right voting pattern. The relation between left wing voting pattern and some indicators of deprivation and lifestyle suggest that party political voting patterns and affiliations could be a useful indicator of vertical social capital. However, its variability as a measure across countries suggests that the inter-relation between sociocultural and economic factors and the consequent influence on health status is not straightforward.
The consequences of official labels: a research note on rights lost by the mentally ill, mentally incompetent, and convicted felons.
While labeling theorists have focused on the informal stigma suffered by officially designated deviants, research has been less extensive on the formal legal rights lost upon state labeling. In this light, this study presents a survey of state statutes which focused on the legal rights lost by felons, the mentally incompetent, and the mentally ill. Five areas of rights (voting privileges, holding public office, jury duty, parenting, and divorce) restricted to the mentally ill and incompetent are examined in state statutes and contrasted with the findings of an earlier study of lost rights for felons by Burton, Cullen, and Travis (1987).
Voting as a means of social inclusion for people with a mental illness.
People suffering from mental illness are often disenfranchized from many functions of society. Voting is one such area where disenfranchizement and exclusion are unnecessarily experienced. The emphasis on service provision as a means of achieving social inclusion for those with mental illness may relegate it to a principle of treatment compliance. Should measures of social function remain the main indicators of successful community care or should measures of social integration be identified, assessed and maintained? Mental health professionals should actively pursue users' voting rights in light of the changing legal climate and the introduction of human rights legislation into United Kingdom law. With the potentially huge political capital in this area the author believes that the current debate regarding social inclusion cannot be adequately addressed unless this fundamental and democratic principle is included more extensively.
The changing demographic, legal, and technological contexts of political representation.
Three developments have created challenges for political representation in the U.S. and particularly for the use of territorially based representation (election by district). First, the demographic complexity of the U.S. population has grown both in absolute terms and in terms of residential patterns. Second, legal developments since the 1960s have recognized an increasing number of groups as eligible for voting rights protection. Third, the growing technical capacities of computer technology, particularly Geographic Information Systems, have allowed political parties and other organizations to create election districts with increasingly precise political and demographic characteristics. Scholars have made considerable progress in measuring and evaluating the racial and partisan biases of districting plans, and some states have tried to use Geographic Information Systems technology to produce more representative districts. However, case studies of Texas and Arizona illustrate that such analytic and technical advances have not overcome the basic contradictions that underlie the American system of territorial political representation.
The multiple-race population of the United States: issues and estimates.
This paper presents national estimates of the population likely to identify with more than one race in the 2000 census as a result of a new federal policy allowing multiple racial identification. A large number of race-based public policies-including affirmative action and the redistricting provisions of the Voting Rights Act-may be affected by the shift of some 8-18 million people out of traditional single-race statistical groups. The declines in single-race populations resulting from the new classification procedure are likely to be greater in magnitude than the net undercount in the U.S. census at the center of the controversy over using census sampling. Based on ancestry data in the 1990 census and experimental survey results from the 1995 Current Population Survey, we estimate that 3. 1-6.6% of the U.S. population is likely to mark multiple races. Our results are substantially higher than those suggested by previous research and have implications for the coding, reporting, and use of multiple response racial data by government and researchers. The change in racial classification may pose new conundrums for the implementation of race-based public policies, which have faced increasing criticism in recent years.
The American Psychoanalytic Association: a decade of change.
The American Psychoanalytic Association in the last decade has undergone the most extensive organizational changes in its history. Efforts at inclusion, outreach, and democratization have halted a decline in candidates, active members, and cultural influence and led to a vibrant, growing organization, as new professional groups have gradually been included in the association's training programs. The goal of increasing training opportunities for minority candidates has only partially been achieved. A recent effort to offer affiliate status to psychotherapists and students has begun, though with modest results. Alliances with otherpsychoanalytic groups have led to creation of the Psychoanalytic Consortium and steady progress toward external accreditation of institutes and licensure of psychoanalysts. In the interest of unification there is a need to develop pathways of affiliation and membership for independent institutes and societies that desire to join the association. Democracy has in large measure already been enhanced at the national level. Deliberations are now transparent, and an invigorated Executive Committee willingly shares power with the Executive Council. Candidates now are deeply involved in the governance of Board and Council and their committees. But only when all members and candidates enjoy full voting rights and all members are able to serve as officers and Executive Councilors will the decades-long effort to democratize the association be concluded.
Merger and autonomy: reaping the benefits of both.
Although often reluctant to risk loss of autonomy and control, Catholic health care organizations should consider the opportunities to accommodate local autonomy and affiliation or merger. As the acute care industry consolidates into increasingly larger systems, the price of maintaining absolute autonomy may be too high. Organizations must ask: How much autonomy can we afford? Do the benefits of complete autonomy outweigh its disadvantages in light of marketplace pressures to join into larger organizations? Alliances and joint ventures allow participants to retain a significant degree of autonomy, but long-term benefits are limited. Mergers and affiliations, however, do offer long-term benefits, and they may be structured to achieve an appropriate balance between autonomy and centralized control. By selecting among organizational and functional options, sponsors, boards, and managers can preserve characteristics they consider essential. A broad range of organizational and functional options is available, which ensure flexibility if used correctly. Organizational options include mergers, consolidations, and affiliations, which may make use of parent and superparent organizations, operating corporations, and management companies. Functional options include the use of management divisions, membership powers, voting rights, nomination and election provisions, and ex officio positions. The combination of options that will best resolve conflict between consolidation and autonomy depends on specific circumstances.