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PubMed1988

Civil Code, 11 December 1987.

Article 162 of this Mexican Code provides, among other things, that "Every person has the right freely, responsibly, and in an informed fashion to determine the number and spacing of his or her children." When a marriage is involved, this right is to be observed by the spouses "in agreement with each other." The civil codes of the following states contain the same provisions: 1) Baja California (Art. 159 of the Civil Code of 28 April 1972 as revised in Decree No. 167 of 31 January 1974); 2) Morelos (Art. 255 of the Civil Code of 26 September 1949 as revised in Decree No. 135 of 29 December 1981); 3) Queretaro (Art. 162 of the Civil Code of 29 December 1950 as revised in the Act of 9 January 1981); 4) San Luis Potosi (Art. 147 of the Civil Code of 24 March 1946 as revised in 13 June 1978); Sinaloa (Art. 162 of the Civil Code of 18 June 1940 as revised in Decree No. 28 of 14 October 1975); 5) Tamaulipas (Art. 146 of the Civil Code of 21 November 1960 as revised in Decree No. 20 of 30 April 1975); 6) Veracruz-Llave (Art. 98 of the Civil Code of 1 September 1932 as revised in the Act of 30 December 1975); and 7) Zacatecas (Art. 253 of the Civil Code of 9 February 1965 as revised in Decree No. 104 of 13 August 1975). The Civil Codes of Puebla and Tlaxcala provide for this right only in the context of marriage with the spouses in agreement. See Art. 317 of the Civil Code of Puebla of 15 April 1985 and Article 52 of the Civil Code of Tlaxcala of 31 August 1976 as revised in Decree No. 23 of 2 April 1984. The Family Code of Hidalgo requires as a formality of marriage a certification that the spouses are aware of methods of controlling fertility, responsible parenthood, and family planning. In addition, Article 22 the Civil Code of the Federal District provides that the legal capacity of natural persons is acquired at birth and lost at death; however, from the moment of conception the individual comes under the protection of the law, which is valid with respect to the individual as far as the effects of this law provides as if the individual were already born.

Abortion, Induced↗
PubMed2006

Medical management of the traumatic consequences of civil unrest incidents: causation, clinical approaches, needs and advanced planning criteria.

In the context of this review, civil unrest is defined as disharmony, expressive dissatisfaction and/or disagreement between members of a community, which leads to a situation of competitive aggression that may find expression as disruption of organisation, conflicts, damage to property and injuries. Such a breakdown of harmonious relationships, which may result in property damage and human injuries that may be threatening to life, varies in magnitude from participation of a very few individuals up to the involvement of large crowds of people, which may evolve into a full-scale riot. It is the latter situation often involving demonstrators, opposing groups and law enforcement personnel that can result in multiple casualties and present a very significant challenge to the resources of local healthcare institutions. The causation of civil unrest incidents is multifactorial and has generic, specific and potentiating elements. With the current national and international societal, political and discriminatory problems, it is likely that civil unrest incidents on both small and large scales will continue to occur at a high and possibly increasing rate on a worldwide basis, and for these not infrequent incidents, the medical community should be in a state of informed preparation. The circumstances of civil unrest incidents are very variable with respect to causation, overall magnitude, frequency, timing, geographical location, numbers of persons involved, demographics of participants, influence of extremists, confrontation with opposing groups and control measures used by law enforcement agencies. Methods used by police and security forces for the control of civil unrest incidents, if advanced negotiations with organisers and verbal warnings have failed, fall basically into two categories: physical and chemical measures. Physical methods include restraint holds, truncheons, batons, mounted horses, projectiles (such as bean bags, plastic and rubber bullets), water cannons, tasers and (rarely) live ammunition. All of these physical measures are associated with pain and immobilisation, and there is a high potential for soft tissue and bone injuries. Some of the more severe physical methods, including plastic and rubber bullets, may cause lethal injuries. The basis for using chemicals in civil unrest incidents is that they cause distraction, transient harassment and incapacitation, temporary impairment of the conduct of coordinated tasks and cause a desire to vacate the area of unrest. Although screening smokes and malodors have sometimes been employed, the major group of chemicals used are peripheral chemosensory irritants (PCSIs), which reversibly interact with sensory nerve receptors in exposed skin and mucosal surfaces, resulting in the production of local uncomfortable sensations and associated reflexes. Major effects are on the eye, respiratory tract and (to a lesser degree) skin. Thus, the induced transient pain and discomfort in the eye, respiratory tract and skin, together with associated lacrimation, blepharospasm, rhinorrhoea, sialorrhoea, cough and breathing difficulties, produce temporary incapacitation and interference with the conduct of coordinated tasks, and form the basis for harassment of malefactors. Currently used peripheral chemosensory irritants are 1-chloroacetophenone, 2-chlorobenzylidene malononitrile, dibenz(b.f)-1,4-oxazepine, oleoresin capsicum and pelargonic acid vanillylamide. Depending on operational circumstances, irritants may be dispersed as a smoke, powder cloud, aerosol, vapour, or in solution; the mode of generation and dispersion of irritant can influence hazard. Brief acute exposure to chemosensory irritants produces effects that generally resolve within an hour, leaving no long-term sequelae. However, sustained exposure to high concentrations may produce tissue injury, notably to the eye, respiratory tract and skin. With solutions of sensory irritants, other formulation constituents may enhance PCSI toxicity or introduce additional local and/or systemic toxicity. By the very circumstances of civil unrest incidents, injuries are inevitable, particularly when emotions are heightened and police and security forces have to resort to various chemical and/or physical means of control. Trauma may include slight to severe physical and/or chemical injuries, psychological problems and occasional deaths. Hospitals should be prepared for a wide range of casualties, and the fact that those seeking help will constitute a heterogeneous group, including wide age range, male, female, and individuals with pre-existing ill health. A major civil unrest incident necessitates that the local receiving hospital should be prepared and equipped for decontamination and triage processes. It is necessary to reassure patients who have been exposed to sensory irritants that the signs and symptoms are rapidly reversible, and do not result in long-term sequelae. With respect to chemical exposures, detailed evaluation should be given to possible ocular, cutaneous, respiratory and gastrointestinal effects. Also, exposure to chemosensory irritants results in transient increases in blood pressure, bradycardia and increased intraocular pressure. This indicates that those with cardiovascular diseases and glaucoma may be at increased risk for the development of complications. This article details the pharmacological, toxicological and clinical effects of chemicals used in civil disturbance control and discusses the management of contaminated individuals. Additionally, the potential for adverse effects from delivery systems and other physical restraint procedures is summarised. Due to the emergency and specialised circumstances and conditions of a civil unrest incident, there is a clear need for advanced planning by healthcare institutions in the event that such an incident occurs in their catchment area. This should include ensuring a good information base, preparations for medical and support staff readiness, and availability of required equipment and medications. Ideally, planning, administration and coordination should be undertaken at both local (regional) and central (governmental) centres. Regional centres should have responsibilities for education, training, ensuring facilities and staffing are appropriate, and that adequate equipment and medicines are available. There should be cooperative interactions and communications with local police and other emergency services. Centrally directed functions should include ensuring adequacy of the information base, coordinating activities and agreeing approaches between the regional centres, and periodic audits of regional centres with respect to the staffing, facility, equipment and training needs. Also, there is a need for most countries to introduce detailed guidelines and formal (regulatory) schemes for the assessment of the safety-in-use of chemicals and the delivery systems that are to be used against heterogeneous human populations for the control of civil unrest incidents. Such regulatory approval schemes should also cover advisory functions for safe use and any required restrictions.

Civil Defense↗
PubMed2004

Transfers to civil psychiatric inpatient services from a maximum security forensic hospital.

OBJECTIVE: To examine inpatients discharged from a forensic psychiatric hospital to a civil hospital at the completion of their correctional sentence. METHOD: Extract information from a patient database. RESULTS: About 20% of the discharges from the New York State forensic hospital that serves mentally ill state prison inmates, Central New York Psychiatric Center (CNYPC), are transferred to a civil psychiatric hospital; the remainder are returned to a correctional setting. Although their diagnoses, Global Assessment of Functioning scores, and number of prior inpatient admissions are similar, CNYPC transfers stay 1(1/2) times as long in their civil hospital admission as other civil hospital admissions. If total inpatient hospitalization before release to the community at large is considered (CNYPC plus the subsequent civil hospital), the stay is about 2(1/2) times as long. Fifty-two percent of the CNYPC transfers had been incarcerated for violent offenses and 28% are re-hospitalized within 12 months after release from the civil hospital. DISCUSSION: Longer lengths of stay in the civil hospital for these CNYPC transfers do not seem to be related to psychiatric functioning. Instead, it may be related to being harder to place in a community setting. All these CNYPC transfers have prison histories, many have a violent offense history, and all have been geographically remote from their home communities for a long time periods. As a result, the social support networks of CNYPC transfers may be weaker than those of other civil inpatients. The families and neighborhood agencies of CNYPC transfers are probably less willing to accept them on their return than those of other civil patients.Enhanced discharge planning and support services targeted specially for correctional transfers to a civil psychiatric inpatient environment should be considered. These type of service may reduce inpatient length of stay and thereby allow the inpatient resources to be used by other patients.

Forensic Psychiatry↗
PubMed2006

Material civilization: things and society.

This paper argues that although classical sociology has largely overlooked the importance of social relations with the material world in shaping the form of society, Braudel's concept of 'material civilization' is a useful way to begin to understand the sociological significance of this relationship. The limitations of Braudel's historical and general concept can be partially overcome with Elias's analysis of the connection between 'technization' and 'civilization' that allows for both a civilizing and a de-civilizing impact of emergent forms of material relation that both lengthen and shorten the chains of interdependence between the members of a society. It is suggested that the concept of the 'morality of things' employed by a number of commentators is useful in summarizing the civilizing effects of material objects and addressing their sociological significance. From the sociology of consumption the idea of materiality as a sign of social relationships can be drawn, and from the sociology of technology the idea of socio-technical systems and actor-networks can contribute to the understanding of material civilization. It is argued that the concept of 'material capital' can usefully summarize the variable social value of objects but to understand the complexity of material civilization as it unfolds in everyday life, an analysis of 'material interaction' is needed. Finally the paper suggests some initial themes and issues apparent in contemporary society that the sociological study of material civilization might address; the increased volume, functional complexity and material specificity of objects and the increased social complexity, autonomy and substitutability that is entailed. A theory of 'material civilization' is the first step in establishing a sociology of objects.

Capitalism↗
PubMed1999

The barbarism of civilization: cultural genocide and the 'stolen generations'.

Norbert Elias suggested that 'civilization' involves the transformation of human habitus so that violence of all sorts is gradually subjected to greater and more sophisticated forms of management and control, whereas 'decivilization' encompasses processes which produce an increase in violence and a breakdown in the stability and consistency of on-going social relations. What remains unexplored is the extent to which 'civilizing offensives', the self-conscious attempts to bring about 'civilization', have revolved around essentially violent policies and practices. This paper examines the systematic removal of indigenous Australian children from their families, largely for the social engineering purpose of the gradual and systematic annihilation of Aboriginal cultural identity. At the time, these policies and practices were constructed by most observers as contributing to the 'welfare' of Australian Aborigines, and this intersection of welfare and violence raises the possibility that civilization and decivilization, rather than being different processes which may or may not run alongside each other, interpenetrate each other so that, under certain circumstances, societies are 'barbaric' precisely in their movement towards increasing civilization. It may also be possible to describe the move away from the systematic removal of Aboriginal children since the 1970s as itself part of a civilizing process, an increasing recognition of the human rights of Australian Aborigines and of the inhumanity of those policies and practices. The paper concludes by addressing the implications for theories of civilization and decivilization, as well as more generally for our contemporary understanding of what it means to be a 'civilized' modern citizen.

Acculturation↗