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Moral analysis must begin with respect for the empirical features, the "facts of the case". Major advances in genetic knowledge and technology -- as in other sciences -- inevitably change mental attitudes. But they could not change human nature, a product of the distinctively human cerebral cortex. Human capacities like compassion and justice are our own and for us to guard. To ask (as some do) about a "right" to inherit a non-manipulated genome is to ask an unanswerable question: the language of rights is inappropriate in this context. Parents have a duty to safeguard and to serve the interests of their potential child. The medical duty is to help in that task in ways which they have limited freedom to choose. The role of churches is to be faithful to their deposit of faith and their theological principles, including that of freedom of conscience. Churches are too easily led in practice to over-rule conscience on grounds of authority, ecclesiastical or biblical, not sustained by convincing reason. This is most evident in some declarations concerning human reproduction. Better were it for them to help their faithful in moral reasoning, the ethics of choice; to keep consciences tender.
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This article explores some of the implications of understanding sin as failure of perception. The theological underpinning of the argument is the choice made in the Garden of Eden to eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge rather than the fruit of the tree of life, or wisdom. This has led to distorted perception, in which all things are seen as having separate, independent existences rather than joined together by their common divine source and their deep interrelatedness in the covenant made with God. The article discusses the fascination with the principle of respect for autonomy in the light of this theology. It also looks at perceptions of the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa. It finishes with a definition of repentance that makes right perception possible.
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Confrontation between science and religion was a significant feature of the lengthy public appraisal of research on human embryos in Britain during the 1880s. The series of formal debates over embryo research in the House of Lords is chosen as a particularly appropriate setting to study this confrontation. It is shown that religious opposition to embryo research was repeatedly attacked in these debates by means of a stereotyped contrast between religious and scientific styles of thought. Leading figures in the movement for embryo research attempted to discredit their opponents by claiming that, whereas their own case was built upon reasoned assessment of the facts, the other side relied on religious dogma, clerical authority and faith. It is shown that, although there were genuine differences between those critical of embryo research on religious grounds and those supporting such research on grounds furnished by scientists, this account of the differences is inaccurate: dogma, reliance on authority and faith were as characteristic of the discourse associated with science as they were of that associated with religion. It is argued that these features were not generated by the presence of religious or scientific beliefs as such, but by the struggle between advocates of science and religion for intellectual and moral dominance.
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"The age profiles of religious groups in Australia are changing at different rates. Most mainstream Christian denominations have a higher proportion of adherents aged 60 or more than does the population as a whole. In most cases the age profile of people who actually attend services is older again. This is especially true of people who attend the Uniting, Anglican and Presbyterian churches. The proportion of Jews who are 60 or more is also high. In contrast, it is very low for Muslims, Hindus and Buddhists."
The aim of this study was to describe the extent of cancer screening practices among women resident in Northern Ireland and to identify the social and behavioural characteristics associated with these practices. The study involved a survey of adults resident in the community in Northern Ireland. Contact was made with a sample of 1162 residents who were asked to complete a questionnaire about preventive health practices and attitudes. This produced a response rate of 65.1 per cent. Of these, 391 were women who were asked questions about breast self-examination (BSE), attendance for cervical screening, and certain social and behavioural factors. Approximately 28 per cent of the women performed BSE regularly, a further 28 per cent performed it occasionally, and the remainder rarely or not at all. Almost 20 per cent of the women had had a smear test once, 48 per cent several times, and the rest never. Performance of BSE and attendance for smear tests and BSE was more common among those women aged 35-54 years, who were married, worked outside the home, and whose religion was Church of Ireland (Anglican). The most frequent reason given for not performing BSE was fear of finding a lump and ignorance of the procedure. The most frequent reason given for non-attendance for a smear test was that it was not thought necessary at their age. Public health strategies designed to promote cancer screening need to consider the value of directing their campaigns at those who are most reluctant to perform these practices.
In its specific moral conclusions ecclesiastical Anglican theology shares much with traditional Protestantism, Roman Catholicism, and Eastern Orthodoxy. In its understanding of the method and purpose of moral theology classical Anglicanism sometimes diverges from earlier Roman Catholicism -- and anticipates the most positive developments in contemporary Roman Catholic moral theology -- while sharing a common theological heritage with Rome in its understanding of natural law, the moral agent, and the moral act. Anglicans situate moral reasoning within the Church of the patristic Tradition, which distinguishes them from Protestants, yet do not accept the Roman magisterium's self-understanding. Consequently, the Anglican mode of moral reasoning has strong affinities with the Orthodox churches.
A detailed questionnaire was mailed to 3,510 Anglican clergy with active responsibility for churches. Analyses showed a lower response rate among older clergy.
One way of measuring religious affiliation is to look at rites of initiation such as baptism. English statistics show that for the first time since the Church of England was founded, less than half the nation is Anglican on this criterion. The pattern of formal religious transmission changed during the Second World War. Previously christening was quasi-universal, and the Church of England was the preferred provider. By the end of the war baptism was evidently optional, and chosen principally by parents whose religious identities matched. Further analysis suggests that affiliation now tends to be lost following marriage to someone from a different religious background, though the USA differs from Europe in this respect. A demographic theory of advanced secularization is outlined that specifies a proximal cause for declining religious affiliation, and provides tools for predicting the changes to be expected over future decades. The theory also helps to explain why affiliation may fall most quickly where there is most religious diversity.