[Letamendi and his integral anthropology as seen from existential anthropology 2].
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Primarily during the past 15 years a distinct new area within physical anthropology has emerged, biomedical anthropology. Physical anthropologists have become heavily involved in studying problems of relevance to the health and illness patterns of living humans. There has been a proportionate increase in biomedically focused papers published in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology, in biomedically focused papers presented at annual meetings of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, and in physical anthropology doctoral dissertations oriented toward modern biomedical phenomena. Proportionately more physical anthropologists are now employed in medical schools and there has been recent growth in the proportion of physical anthropologists in anthropology departments who claim some aspect of biomedical anthropology as a research interest. Increasingly, physical anthropologists are focusing their research on cardiovascular disease, the leading cause of death in America. These distinct trends are partially a result of the nature of physical anthropology and its unique biocultural perspective. However the growth of applied anthropology, the present academic marketplace, and the availability of research funds are probably also contributing factors. The emergency of biomedical anthropology holds promise for the future of physical anthropology and for its current employment crisis. Careers with academic and nonacademic organizations engaged in biomedical research appear to be a viable alternative to careers in departments of anthropology, for biomedical anthropologists. This will entail some reorientation of graduate training for physical anthropologists. More emphasis will have to be placed on substantive biomedical subjects, research methods, and data management and analysis.
As one way of thinking about physiological anthropology, let us survey it from a historical viewpoint. At the beginning of the 19th century, Blumenbach, considered the father of Physical Anthropology, wrote his "Handbook of Comparative Anatomy and Physiology." The subsequent research conducted and papers written by researchers such as Broca and Martin pointed in the direction of physiological anthropology; furthermore, the research carried out by the American researchers Demon and Baker had a physiological anthropology "feel." The courses in Physiological Anthropology taught by Tokizane exerted a major influence on physiological anthropology in Japan. The precursor of the Japan Society of Physiological Anthropology, organized by Sato in 1978, was extremely significant in the effect that it had on the subsequent development of physiological anthropology. The holding of the biennial International Congress of Physiological Anthropology, along with the allocation of the Research sub-field of Physiological Anthropology in the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, would seem to suggest that the field of physiological anthropology is set to increasingly grow and evolve.
Medical Anthropology deals with the anthropological conditions of health, illness and health care in different societies and cultures, and has to be distinguished in that respect from Social and Industrial Medicine in German language countries which could be considered a kind of official and governmental medicine. While in North America Medical Anthropology has been established at nearly all universities and medical colleges during the last 25 years, corresponding activities in Germany and most other European countries have not reached university level up to now. After referring to general anthropology during the period of enlightenment and to philosophical and medical anthropology in the first half of our century, both to be considered forerunners of medical anthropology in german-speaking countries, an outline of medical anthropology in German-speaking countries, an outline of medical anthropology in the USA is given followed by a survey of questions and problems with which medical anthropology in German-speaking and other European countries has to cope, and would be confronted after the opening of the EC Market in 1993. The article concludes by briefly going into the circumstance of teaching medical anthropology in the Federal Republic of Germany.
Practicing medicine well requires recognizing the breadth of human experience and attending to the psychological and sociocultural dimensions of patients as well as their physical needs. Central to the concerns of anthropology are the shared beliefs and values expressed in social practices and traditions that give meaning to everyday life. The relevance of anthropology for biomedical practice and research is grounded in the discipline's emphasis on contextual meaning and its unique strategies for data gathering. In this article, we briefly review the field of anthropology and the discipline of medical anthropology. We argue for incorporating anthropological concepts and methods in medical training, and summarize anthropology's role in medical education over the past century. Finally, we present ideas for including anthropology in the medical curriculum, proposing curricular goals and content, and teaching settings and techniques. An anthropological orientation can foster trainee self-awareness, help trainees prepare for the diverse perspectives they will encounter in our pluralistic society, and facilitate critical analysis of biomedicine and its systems of care.
In the history of about 100 years of anthropology in Japan, studies of physiological anthropology have made very important contributions from the standpoint of physiological function of mankind. The activity of physiological anthropology in Japan has started systemically November 1978 when the study group was organized under Prof. Keiichi Yoshida as the president and the first meeting was held in February 1979. The study group has developed to Research Society of Physiological Anthropology (President Prof. Keiichi Yosida, October 1982) and then reorganized as Society of Physiological Anthropology (President Prof. Masaro Kaji, Kurume University School of Medicine, April 1987). An increase of members of the Society from 122 in 1982 to 570 in 1991 suggests the prosperity of the study in this field. The Society has two meetings every year since 1979 and the 27th meeting was held last October. The Annals of Physiological Anthropology is published quarterly (will be published bimonthly from 1992) since 1983 and about 300 papers including 116 original articles have been reported. The Annals covers the following fields: Clothing and thermal physiology, Living in normal and abnormal environment, Nutrition and morphology, Sports physiology and medicine, Work physiology, Ergonomics, General physiology and others. In recent progress of science, study in physiological anthropology must respond to various environments in every field of living. The future of physiological anthropology was discussed in the situation of rapidly changing patterns of human life in Japan.
In his concept of an anthropological physiology, F.J.J. Buytendijk has tried to lay down the theoretical and scientific foundations for an anthropologically-oriented medicine. The aim of anthropological physiology is to demonstrate, empirically, what being specifically human is in the most elementary physiological functions. This article contains a sketch of Buytendijk's life and work, an overview of his philosophical-anthropological presuppositions, an outline of his idea of an anthropological physiology and medicine, and a discussion of some epistemological and methodological problems. It is demonstrated that Buytendijk's design of an anthropological physiology is fragmentary and programmatic and that his methodology offers few points of contact for specific anthropological experimental research. Notwithstanding, it is argued that Buytendijk's description of the subjective, animated body forms a pre-eminent point of reference for all research in physiology and psychology in which the specific human aspect is not ignored beforehand.
Despite its reputation for openness to research on sexuality, anthropology as a discipline has only reluctantly supported such work. Anthropological research and theory developed slowly, sharing a stable theoretical paradigm (the cultural influence model) from the 1920s to the 1990s. Moving beyond determinist and essentialist frameworks still common in biomedicine, anthropological work nevertheless viewed important aspects of sexuality as universal and transcultural. Social construction theory has offered a challenge to traditional anthropological models and has been responsible for a recent burst of innovative work in sexuality, both in anthropology and in other disciplines, since 1975. The theoretical roots and implications of constructionist theory are explored. The intensifying competition between cultural influence and constructionist paradigms has been altered by the appearance of AIDS and the subsequent increased support for research on sexuality. On the one hand, the expansion in funding threatens to strengthen essentialist models in biomedical contexts and cultural influence models in anthropology. On the other hand, the complexities and ambiguities inherent in the sexuality under study may both reveal the strengths of constructionist approaches and spur the development of research and theory in anthropology.
This introduction to the collection provides our thoughts on where alcohol and drug studies in anthropology are going as we enter the new millennium. After commenting briefly on each of the papers that comprise the rest of the volume, we discuss what we see as the most important and exciting issues in the future and give our views on what alcohol and drug studies can offer to medical anthropology, anthropology writ large, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary research, and the realm of public policy and practical affairs. We call for a continued study by anthropologists of the whole array of pharmacologically active substances used by humans in different parts of the world, whether or not such studies are situated within medical anthropology. We note that many of these substances have received little attention from anthropologists to date, quite strikingly so in the cases of substances such as marijuana and methamphetamines. We emphasize that most scholars working in the anthropology of alcohol and drugs are concerned with the application of their findings to social problems, and we note that this has been especially true of research on alcoholic beverages and injection drugs. This leads us to a discussion of anthropology's involvement in public health intervention and policy work in a variety of settings. Such involvement is shown to have informed anthropological theory (notably political economic approaches) and to have enriched the methodological toolkits and forms of data analysis anthropologists use. Perhaps more importantly, we argue that such multidisciplinary involvement in applied work is most likely to eventuate in theoretical progress in alcohol and drug studies, since theory in the social sciences is not bound to singular disciplinary approaches. Thus we advocate for a "hybrid vigor" in this specialty area in the years ahead.
In line with the growing concern with the unexamined reliance upon the concept of "experience" in anthropology, this article explores in some detail the various usages and definitions of the concept in the work of three of early French anthropology's most influential theorists: Emile Durkheim (1858-1918), Lucien Lévy-Bruhl (1857-1939), and Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908-). With its important influence on both British and American anthropology, the early French anthropological tradition, as epitomized in the writings of these three thinkers, has indeed played a pivotal role in shaping many current taken-for-granted understandings of the concept of experience in the discipline of anthropology as a whole. In the process of exploring how experience is viewed by these three scholars, this paper will thus take some initial steps toward the historical contextualization of many of the unquestioned assumptions underpinning current understandings of experience in the discipline of anthropology and the social sciences more generally.
Research in skeletal biology has a long history in Turkey, but the shift towards the study of contemporary people has recently been stimulated by the need for appropriate techniques for forensic application. There is an increasing need for data to determine if population-specific standards for age and stature estimation and sex determination are necessary and if so, to develop them. The purpose of this paper is to outline the development of forensic anthropology in Turkey. As has been the case elsewhere, forensic anthropology has its roots in physical anthropology. In Turkey, distinguished pioneers in physical anthropology, such as Sevket A. Kansu and Muzaffer S. Senyürek, focused on the skeletal biology of the historic and prehistoric inhabitants of Anatolia. Today, research programs are under way in the Institute of Forensic Medicine in Istanbul and the Department of Physical Anthropology in Ankara to include the collection of data on modern Turks. A number of projects dealing with various aspects of forensic anthropology are already in progress, e.g., development of age and sex determination standards for the Turkish population. In addition, several graduate students have also chosen research topics in this field.
Forensic anthropology has been one of the fastest growing medico-legal disciplines both in its contribution to the practical needs of the legal system and research accomplishments. New anthropological standards were developed to apply to a specific population of a region. The purpose of this paper is to analyze a large sample of anthropological forensic cases and to review pertinent literature that deals with anthropological standards developed for the population of the continent of Central and South America. Using Uruguay as an example, there was not a single office or anthropologist assigned to analyze human skeletal remains in Uruguay. In 1991 the Laboratorio de Antropología Forense at the Morgue Judicial of Montevideo was created. A total of 189 forensic anthropological cases (276 individuals) were analyzed since this date. Twenty six percent of cases involving human remains were positively identified. The majority came from the Departamento de Montevideo, the largest population district of the country. Most of the cases fell into the 60 to 69 years old age range (35%). Females represented 32% of the total. Since the establishment of the laboratory, the number of forensic cases increased considerably from 20 in 1991 to 40 in 1997. The case studies were accompanied with skull-photo superimposition and facial reconstruction when no other evidence for positive identification was available. This service provided by the laboratory was quickly known to coroners, law enforcement agencies, and other legal authorities and thus utilized not only in Uruguay but also in several other countries in the continent. Because of the obvious need for an anthropologist, there are now university programs to provide forensic anthropological education. Yet, research has lagged behind considerably. Deficiencies are obvious in basic osteological standards of estimating age, calculating stature, determining sex and assessing race that can be applied to populations of the continent. Regional standards are also needed to estimate postmortem interval, to identify culture specific causes of trauma and other forensic phenomena. Some of these can be remedied if there is a database where the available literature is stored and osteometric information is shared.
Joan Ablon has helped establish the anthropology of impairment-disability and significantly contributed to the role of anthropology in disability studies. In this article, we review the development of and situate Ablon's ethnographic research in the anthropology of impairment-disability. We then address various methodological issues in her work including her ethnographic approach, her grounding in action anthropology and her support for the development of the academic study of disability in anthropology and the careers of disabled anthropologists. The next section of the article examines Ablon's use of the notion of stigma, her understanding of community, and her engagement with disability rights. As examples of themes important to disability studies, we present her discussion of the implications of the ideal of the body beautiful, and gender differences in negotiating intimacy for people with physical differences. We close with a discussion of the future of an anthropology of impairment-disability.
Socio-anthropological research is being increasingly recognised as important in public nutrition research. It helps to understand practices and behaviours the significance of which can partially escape the nutritionist. It also permits to increase knowledge about food systems and their underlying social dynamics and representations and therefore contributes to the understanding of often neglected aspects of nutritional problems. In this paper the authors highlight how their discipline and its main research techniques can be efficiently involved in public nutrition research, without however neglecting their own specific methodological requirements. The first objective of the paper is to draw methodological lessons from experiences. A second objective is to familiarise researchers, who are not specialised in social sciences, with the main techniques used in the discipline. After a brief presentation of the underlying principles and objectives of socio-anthropological research, the main data collection techniques used by socio-anthropologists (observation, interview, focus groups) are described and their use is illustrated by concrete research examples from Congo, Bolivia, Nepal and Tunisia. A special emphasis is put on the requirements of qualitative data analysis. The discussion focuses on the choice of techniques, the enhancement of quality in qualitative research and on the main constraints and difficulties encountered in involving socio-anthropology in public nutrition. The limits, constraints and conditions of this implication and contribution are discussed. For the authors the issue of involving socio-anthropology in public nutrition should not be viewed in terms of instrumentalisation of one discipline by the other. The main avenue to reach a fruitful and efficient collaboration is respect and recognition of the methodological approaches (and underlying epistemological assumptions) of socio-anthropology (qualification of researchers, quality criteria, etc.). These requirements are necessary for socio-anthropology to produce qualitatively sound data and analysis. More important, the set up of common conceptual frameworks on the basis of an interdisciplinary dialogue has to be established from conception of the research up to its conclusion.
Topics on gerontology are grossly under-represented in the German anthropological field of research. Nevertheless, new establishments of distinct research centres in the gerontological area indicate a trend towards innovative and interdisciplinary research. Up to now, anthropology has contributed relatively few studies to gerontological questions. Considering the increasing social importance of gerontological issues, the present paper attempts to present research fields and perspectives that are relevant to anthropological studies in gerontology. Three subject areas are addressed: (1) current involvement of anthropology in gerontological research, (2) evaluation of prospects for future anthropological studies in gerontology, and (3) general objectives as well as specific research areas under special consideration of applied issues.
Recent years have seen rapid progress in several areas of both biomedical and anthropological genetics. While genetic analyses have come to play a significant role in biological anthropology, there has been little use of modern methods for linkage mapping of quantitative trait loci (QTLs). It is now feasible to design research studies to investigate the quantitative genetics of complex phenotypes that are of primary importance to traditional questions in biological anthropology. Complex traits such as functionally significant morphological features, physiological characteristics or aspects of behavior can be examined to estimate the influence of genetic variation on within-species phenotypic variation. In addition, new methods for mapping quantitative trait loci provide opportunities to identify the regions within chromosomes that contain the functional genes of interest. This review summarizes molecular genetic and statistical genetic approaches to QTL mapping, and presents examples of how this approach can expand the scope of anthropological genetics to include mapping and identifying individual genes that influence complex phenotypic traits relevant to fundamental questions in biological anthropology.