Search PubMed⌕ Search

SEARCH · Search PubMed

Results for “Reproductive Rights”

Search indexed PubMed citations on genomics, clinical trials, systematic reviews and public health. Explore titles, authors and supplied subject terms, then open the PubMed record.

Quote a phrase for an exact phrase match. Source license links do not imply unrestricted reuse.

At least 325 records · Page 18Linked to original sources
PubMed1994

The morning after.

The National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League is battling a slump in revenues and sagging public interest in its cause, just as it gears up for a major fight over health care reform.

Abortion, Legal↗
PubMed2002

[The role of the gynecologist-obstetrician concerning violence against women's health].

The role of gynecologists and obstetrician in violence against women's health is reviewed. Concepts, violence, Sexual and Reproductive Rights and scientific features of ethical practice are analyzed. There is special emphasize in prevention and considering violence as a pathological entity demanding emergency management, a comprehensive analysis of rape is an example.

Battered Women↗
PubMed2003

Socioeconomic and state-level differences in prenatal diagnosis and live birth prevalence of Down's syndrome in the United States.

BACKGROUND: Previous studies have shown socioeconomic disparities in the use of prenatal diagnosis in several countries, including France and the United States. Few studies however, have examined the impact of socioeconomic differences in prenatal testing on disparities in the live birth prevalence of congenital anomalies. In this article, we first review and further discuss some of the results of our previously published work that assesses: i) socioeconomic differences in the use of amniocentesis in the United States using data from national birth cohorts; and ii) impact of socioeconomic differences in prenatal diagnosis on the live birth prevalence of Down's syndrome (trisomy 21). We then present the results of a study that explores the potential effects of public policies regarding abortion on state-level differences in the live birth prevalence of Down's syndrome. MATERIALS AND METHODS: We used birth data from the National Center for Health Statistics for the years 1989 to 1991 as well as data from the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League (NARAL) state-by-state review of abortion rights. The main individual-level socioeconomic variables in the analyses were maternal ethnicity and education; the analyses of the interaction effects between maternal age and ethnicity are presented here. Interaction effects were assessed using logistic regression models with likelihood ratio tests. We used hierarchical logistic regression models for analyses of state-level effects while controlling for individual-level socioeconomic factors. RESULTS: We found substantial age-specific socioeconomic differences in the use of amniocentesis and in the rates of age-related increase in the live birth prevalence of Down's syndrome. In particular, African Americans and Mexican Americans were found to have lower odds of amniocentesis use and higher odds of Down's syndrome at birth. In addition, after controlling for maternal age, socioeconomic factors and prenatal care, we found that states which allowed public financing of abortion services for all or most circumstances had lower odds of Down's syndrome at birth. CONCLUSION: Unless socioeconomic differences in prenatal testing are addressed, the increasing use of prenatal testing might result in widening socioeconomic disparities in the live birth prevalence of Down's syndrome and other major congenital anomalies in future years.

Abortion, Induced↗
PubMed2004

Creating clones, kids & chimera: liberal democratic compromise at the crossroads.

The objective of this article is to find middle ground between the supporters and opponents of biotechnology by perpetuating the existing legal compromise pertaining to the complete range of health and welfare doctrines relevant to the biotechnological industry. The author aspires neither to add to nor detract from this liberal democratic consensus, but to preserve its constitutive balance between positivism and natural law and over-regulation and under-regulation in the hopes of stabilizing new political fault lines developing around the few biotechnological innovations already grabbing headlines. The most feasible solution is to extend the existing liberal democratic compromise with respect to equal protection, reproductive rights, the First Amendment, human subject experimentation, patent law, and parental rights. This includes banning or monopolizing certain biotechnologies and extending substantive special respect to the ex vivo living human embryo. Biotechnology must not be left to regulate itself.

Biotechnology↗
PubMed2006

Reproductive freedom, self-regulation, and the government of impairment in utero.

This article critically examines the constitution of impairment in prenatal testing and screening practices and various discourses that surround these technologies. While technologies to test and screen (for impairment) prenatally are claimed to enhance women's capacity to be self-determining, make informed reproductive choices, and, in effect, wrest control of their bodies from a patriarchal medical establishment, I contend that this emerging relation between pregnant women and reproductive technologies is a new strategy of a form of power that began to emerge in the late eighteenth century. Indeed, my argument is that the constitution of prenatal impairment, by and through these practices and procedures, is a widening form of modern government that increasingly limits the field of possible conduct in response to pregnancy. Hence, the government of impairment in utero is inextricably intertwined with the government of the maternal body.

Abortion, Eugenic↗