State regulation of polygraph tests at the workplace.
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Employees are the greatest asset in any long-term care organization. Administrators have a duty and a responsibility for insuring that they continue to have a sound security plan which includes hiring competent, honest, and caring workers. Establishing low employment standards could readily materialize into operating a low quality of care program. We have advocated five main management tools for pre-employment screening. Some long-term care facilities need to relook at their pre-employment hiring policies and procedures. No one type of method is foolproof, but long-term care administrators must acknowledge that employee theft can be reduced if high risk applicants are identified and screened out.
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The purpose of this article is to provide pharmacy educators with knowledge regarding the polygraph. These facts are valuable in training and counseling students and are prerequisite to making informed decisions as leaders in the profession. Businesses lose six-billion dollars annually to employee theft. One in four U.S. employers currently use the polygraph on employees, and pharmacists are frequently subject to the procedure. Several U.S. corporations report the lowest loss rates in the industry without resorting to the polygraph. They utilize traditional techniques of security, accounting, and personnel administration. Patterns of nonspecific autonomic responses modified by race, sociability, moral development, interpersonal climate, education, pain, and exercise level, indicate that the procedure is not valid. The procedure yields approximately 11 percent false positive and 2 percent false negative results. No licensure is required in 24 states, and 40 states allow employers to use the technique at will. NACDS and NARD support of the polygraph, while the APHA and the Retail Clerks Union oppose it.
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This paper reviews the psychological factors that make some individuals susceptible to making a false confession of having committed a criminal offence. A number of 'vulnerability factors' are highlighted and it is emphasized that these need to be interpreted within the context of all circumstances surrounding the case.
Like filings to a magnet, issues of all shapes, sizes, and degrees of importance are sticking to the idea of neuroethics. Martha Farah, an early thinker in this new field, proposes that, numerous as they are, the problems actually fall into just three categories. She finds that neuroethics has made a quick start sizing up many practical--and some unique--questions swirling up from brain science, but, she writes, watch for challenges that reach beyond these to the metaphysical. Neuroscience may one day explain in terms of neural tissue virtually all aspects of human cognition and emotion--realms traditionally deemed apart from physical law. Thus, we should also expect neuroethics to grapple with our fundamental distinction between persons and mere "things." If mental processes prove to result from purely physical events, this opens to question our notions of consciousness, spirituality, free will, and moral responsibility.
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The theme of a statement is called "lie motif" by the authors when schizophrenic patients say "I have lied to anybody". We tried to analyse of the psychopathological characteristics and anthropological meanings of the lie motifs in schizophrenia, which has not been thematically examined until now, based on 4 cases, and contrasting with the lie motif (Lügenmotiv) in depression taken up by A. Kraus (1989). We classified the lie motifs in schizophrenia into the following two types: a) the past directive lie motif: the patients speak about their real lie regarding it as a 'petty fault' in their distant past with self-guilty feeling, b) the present directive lie motif: the patients say repeatedly 'I have lied' (about their present speech and behavior), retreating from their previous commitments. The observed false confessions of innocent fault by the patients seem to belong to the present directed lie motif. In comparison with the lie motif in depression, it is characteristic for the lie motif in schizophrenia that the patients feel themselves to already have been caught out by others before they confess the lie. The lie motif in schizophrenia seems to come into being through the attribution process of taking the others' blame on ones' own shoulders, which has been pointed out to be common in the guilt experience in schizophrenia. The others' blame on this occasion is due to "the others' gaze" in the experience of the initial self-centralization (i.e. non delusional self-referential experience) in the early stage of schizophrenia (S. Kato 1999). The others' gaze is supposed to bring about the feeling of amorphous self-revelation which could also be regarded as the guilt feeling without content, to the patients. When the guilt feeling is bound with a past concrete fault, the patients tell the past directive lie motif. On the other hand, when the patients cannot find a past fixed content, and feel their present actions as uncertain and experience them as lies, the present directive lie motif is told. Lie motifs are considered to have the effect of restoring the patient's own subjectivity by the following ways: (a) by actualizing the structural constituents elementary for the establishment of subjectivity, (b) by conducting a kind of speech act for declaring themselves as an active lying subject to co-presenting others for the resettlement in our inter-subjective world.
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