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The impact of political violence on health and health services in Cape Town, South Africa, 1986: methodological problems and preliminary results.

Cape Town, South Africa experienced an upsurge in the level of political violence from May to July of 1986. To determine the impact of the political violence on health and health services, selected routinely available information was analyzed, a community survey was conducted of 1,540 randomly selected households in high, medium, and low impact areas (defined using police and community reports), and a survey of 162 nurses (75 per cent response rate) working in clinic and maternity services in Cape Town's townships was undertaken. Methodological problems were encountered in relation to sampling, interviewer allocation to areas, and access to routinely available information. Nevertheless, a consistent picture emerged from the studies that: demonstrated the impact of political violence on attendance at routine health service facilities (for hypertension, tuberculosis, immunizations, antenatal and postnatal services); highlighted the disruptions caused to basic services in high impact areas (water, street lighting, sanitation and transport); documented the problems experienced by nurses in performing their usual services and by patients obtaining access to their services; showed that high impact areas had three times higher rates of gunshot wounds than low impact areas during the period.

Adolescent↗

The influence of social and political violence on the risk of pregnancy complications.

BACKGROUND: Events in Chile provided an opportunity to evaluate health effects associated with exposure to high levels of social and political violence. METHODS: Neighborhoods in Santiago, Chile, were mapped for occurrences of sociopolitical violence during 1985-86, such as bomb threats, military presence, undercover surveillance, and political demonstrations. Six health centers providing prenatal care were then chosen at random: three from "high-violence" and three from "low-violence" neighborhoods. The 161 healthy, pregnant women due to deliver between August 1 and September 7, 1986, who attended these health centers were interviewed twice about their living conditions. Pregnancy complications and labor/delivery information were subsequently obtained from clinic and hospital records. RESULTS: Women living in the high-violence neighborhoods were significantly more likely to experience pregnancy complications than women living in lower violence neighborhoods (OR = 5.0; 95% CI = 1.9-12.6; p less than 0.01). Residence in a high-violence neighborhood was the strongest risk factor observed; results persisted after controlling for several sets of potential confounders. CONCLUSION: Living in areas of high social and political violence increased the risk of pregnancy complications among otherwise healthy women.

Adult↗

Workers' and community participation and democratic control in Cuba.

This article is a historical and current analysis and description of the evolution of worker, community, and popular participation and democratic control in Cuba since 1958. It contains: (a) an analysis of the political developments in the Cuban Revolution that led to the establishment of direct forms of democracy at the work-place and in the community; (b) a detailed analysis and account of how workers participate and control the processes of production and distribution of goods and services; and (c) an in-depth account and analysis of how people living in neighborhoods, rural and urban districts, municipalities, and provinces control the different levels and branches of the state apparatus--People's Power--and also how they participate in the implementation--through mass organizations--of state policies. The responsibilites, modus operandi, and relationships of the Communist Party, the trade unions, and other mass organizations, and the organs of People's Power, are also described and analyzed. The opportunities and problems, successes and failures, and strengths and weaknesses of the Cuban road to socialism and democracy are detailed. It is concluded that the Cuban Revolution has enhanced democracy most dramatically through the Cuban people's substantial involvement, participation, and control of their own lives.

Civil Disorders↗

Israelis' attitudes toward the disengagement plan, perceived risk, and knowledge of Biblical events.

A sample of 73 Israeli students perceived current risks related to the disengagement plan but showed low awareness of Biblical civil wars and political assassinations. Attitude toward disengagement did not correlate with current perceived risks or awareness of Biblical violence. Left-leaning subjects were more supportive of disengagement and perceived greater risk of political assassination in its wake.

Adolescent↗

Death anxiety among Lebanese samples.

An Arabic version of the Templer Death Anxiety Scale was administered to 673 Lebanese volunteer subjects (164 boys, 165 girls in secondary school, 170 men, 174 women undergraduates). Females attained higher mean death anxiety scores than males. The Lebanese samples had either the same or a lower mean score on death anxiety than their Arab peers, that is, Egyptians and Kuwaitians and also US samples. Split-half reliabilities ranged from .57 to .68.

Adolescent↗

Memory of Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants for violent incidents and their explanations for the 1981 hunger strike.

The aim of this study was to examine the memory of Northern Irish Catholics (n = 20) and Protestants (n = 21) for violent events which had occurred over the previous 11 years and their explanations for those events. It was predicted that Catholics would recall more events involving Catholic deaths than Protestants and that Protestants would recall more events involving Protestant deaths than Catholics. Although Catholics were as likely as Protestants to recall incidents which resulted in Protestant deaths, Protestants were less likely than Catholics to recall incidents involving Catholic deaths. Also, there were divergent explanations for the 1981 hunger strike with most Protestants attributing responsibility to factors internal to the hunger strikers and most Catholics attributing responsibility to factors external to the hunger strikers.

Adolescent↗