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PubMed1993

Freud's influence on American political science.

In an effort to assess which of Sigmund Freud's theories have had an influence on political scientists in the United States, the author conducted a survey of the American Political Science Association. The results of the survey showed that two concepts, the concepts of repression and the unconscious, were deemed most useful for political analysis and/or teaching. This paper traces the origins and infusion of these two constructs into American political thought.

Freudian Theory↗
PubMed1977

Political psychiatry: a post-Watergate perspective or the revolution of falling expectations.

The social contract is a concept equally vital to philosophy and psychology in terms more relevant to this presentation, to politics and psychiatry. From the Hobbesian point of view, the contract has to do with the rights and responsibilities of different components and classes of society vis á vis one another. From the psychodynamic point of view, the social contract has to do with the way individuals relate to each other. Common to both perspectives is the implicit recognition that certain rules will be followed and that penalties will ensue when they are not, or, at the very least, that the prospect of penality will serve as a deterrent. These two notions of social contract converge in the actual regulation of our individual and collective behavior. Governance is impossible without trust in either the rules (more commonly known as the law, or the rule of law) or the people who administer them, whether parent, judge, or senator. Laws that are accepted and a corresponding "care that those laws are failfully executed" both are necessary to a good and just society. Perhaps I can demonstrate these concepts by paraphrasing the nobel Prize winning Japanese novelist who used as a title of his prize winning novel, The Sound of the Mountain. The tearing of the social fabric is the sound of loss of trust in our government, governors, and governance. If that trust is lost, it is but a step to loss of faith in self. For me, the test of these envolving concepts is their usefulness in predicting or at least in coping with the near future. To re-establish trust is our major task. My view may be too narrow and parochial, but I think it is more than coincidental that two of the groups under severest attack as untrustworthy are politicians and psychiatrists. The response of these two groups have some dramatic and meaningful similarities. In politics or, at least, in campaign rhetoric we are seeing fewer promises and more candor; mor emphasis on truthfulness, personal integrity, and character and fewer offers to solve difficult problems. In psychiatry, and somewhat in psychology and the other behavioral and social sciences, we see a demand to reduce the role of scope of the profession, particularly in dealing with "social issues," such as poverty and racism, which commentators and critics consider to be outside the proper sphere of competence and propriety. As a political psychiatrist, I am deeply concerned. In order to avoid the pitfalls of over-promising, we are overreacting; we are movinginto a trap that combines anti-intellectualism and anti-idealism. It can be summarized briefly in what I would call "the revolution of falling expectations." This is wrong. I protest. At the risk of being accused of hubris and hutzpah, I feel that nothing less than the best intellectual capacities and abilities and the deepest and widest experience are needed to deal with our problems in both politics and psychiatry...

Government↗
PubMed1993

Political influence in the 1990s: from iron triangles to policy networks.

To assess the prospects of comprehensive health care reform during the Clinton administration, we must examine the changes that have occurred in the political and structural contexts in which reform is debated. The political context includes the status of the health care system itself as well as public attitudes and voting patterns associated with health care reform; it may be friendlier now to reform than it has been in any previous period, but it cannot on its own produce policy change. The structural context, the representational community of organized interests and government institutions, is the means by which politics is either thwarted or translated into action. Changes in these organized interests and in Congress have transformed the health care reform policy community from an "iron triangle" dominated by an antireform alliance of medicine, insurance, and business to a more loosely bound policy network in which a reform coalition may now be able to prevail, especially under the direction of an activist president like Bill Clinton. I consider three hypotheses: The first claims that, despite the apparent structural changes, the core power relationships will remain the same as in the past, and the antireform alliance either will continue to block policy change or will push through a reform program that protects its constituent interests. According to the second, the structural changes produce an atomization of power, making coalition building in support of reform impossible. The third and most plausible hypothesis proposes that the structural changes, in combination with the shift in politics and Clinton's election, have generated new opportunities for fundamental reform.

Attitude to Health↗
PubMed1982

A case study in the politics of free-market health care.

Historically, most health occupations have developed legal and ethical restrictions on price advertising and other characteristics of "commercial" practice. Many of these regulations recently have come under critical scrutiny, on the grounds that they inhibit free-market health care delivery, thus keeping prices high, and productivity and innovation low. To help inform current health policy deliberations, we analyze the political history of anticompetitive regulations in one health occupation, optometry. Restrictions on commercial practice arose as a result of professional optometry's purge of commercial elements in the 1930s. Optometry's success in achieving commercial-practice restrictions at the state level was determined by the economic structure of the ophthalmic goods and services industry in each state in the 1930s, and by the political resources and organization of the competing interest groups. Efforts to deregulate health occupations will precipate political conflict to the extent that economic interests are threatened. Opposition to deregulation will be based overtly on the grounds that quality of care will deteriorate, and a significant political investment by proponents of free-market health care will be required to overcome such opposition.

Economic Competition↗
PubMed1997

AIDS and the new medical gaze: bio-politics, AIDS, and homosexuality.

The essay argues that the contemporary resurgence of homophobia and the remedicalization of homosexuals in the wake of AIDS is, in part, an unintended but predictable effect of a quarter century of fractious identity-politics. Prominent gay and lesbian political strategies of the 1970s and 1980s borrowed heavily from increasingly discredited, if once politically correct, discourses that valorized individuals on the basis of membership in governmentally constructed bio-bureaucratic categories. Drawing on the work of prominent gay intellectuals, such as Foucault, Watney, and Richard Rodriguez, and locating their insights within the context of contemporary cultural and political conflicts, the essay argues that gay advocates who essentialize homosexual identity, however benignly, unwittingly participate in constituting the ground for an emergence of a neoeugenic movement at millennium's end. The essay concludes with the observation that escaping the conceptual prison of bio-bureaucratic categories is not a uniquely gay or lesbian task. It is a human task.

Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome↗
PubMed2000

Political tolerance among adolescents towards homosexuals in Spain.

This paper studies the willingness that an adolescent has to extend human rights to homosexuals. This willingness defines the concept of political tolerance towards homosexuals. Results of this study show that the rights that adolescents are less willing to extend to homosexuals are those more related to the activities that homosexuals do to recover their rights, as the right of demonstrating on the street. This study also pretends to find those variables more related to political tolerance towards homosexuals. Self-esteem, political experience, support for democratic norms and identification with a group of friends are positively related to political tolerance towards homosexuals, whereas support for violent groups or the identification with a religious group are negatively related.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2004

Political identity and the Third Way: some social-psychological implications of the current anti-ideological turn.

This paper considers recent large-scale changes in British politics from the standpoint of a detailed examination of the practical dilemmas, concerning political identity, faced by local politicians in their talk about politics. It seeks to examine the social-psychological significance of a shift which has meant that politics, while continuing to be characterized by formal division, has begun to extensively reflect the influence of an ideology of anti-ideology.

Humans↗
PubMed2005

Pathologizing dissent: identity politics, Zionism and the 'self-hating Jew'.

This article discusses problems with Kurt Lewin's notion of self-hatred among Jews (Lewin, 1941/1948), and illustrates the ways in which the concept is used in identity politics. It argues that the way the notion of self-hatred is often used makes it problematic as a psychological concept because it requires that we accept particular definitions of group identities and particular political positions as central to those identities. Often, however, such issues are disputed by group members. Examination of the literature illustrates that it is rarely a straightforward decision whether those behaviours or attitudes identified as manifestations of self-hatred are best explained in this way. The function of the self-hatred concept in current debate over Israeli policy is described as an example of how arguments over identity are part of political conflict. In the case of current Middle Eastern politics, the concept of self-hatred is used by rightwing Zionists to label those who criticize policies of the current Israeli government as disloyal and pathological.

Dissent and Disputes↗
PubMed1990

Section on AIDS: the politics of survival. Introduction.

In one short decade, the politics of AIDS has become the politics of survival. In a world whose social order is changing before our eyes, AIDS insistently brings new meaning to the age-old question of what it is we must do to survive--as individuals, as families, as communities, as nations, as members of an interdependent world. The goal of this Special Section is to promote frank discussion, from an explicitly progressive perspective, of what it will take to stop the AIDS epidemic and deal with the devastation it has already wrought. Articles by AIDS researchers, service providers, and activists from around the world will address the numerous social, political, economic, and cultural factors that affect both the spread of AIDS and the social response to the epidemic. Topics to be considered in this and future issues of the Journal include: AIDS and community survival in the United States; women and AIDS, particularly in economically underdeveloped countries; the politics and economics of AIDS interventions in Latin America and the Caribbean; and the growing international AIDS industry.

Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome↗
PubMed1996

Injury, death, and the deregulation fetish: the politics of occupational safety regulation in U.K. manufacturing industries.

The author examines some of the more recent developments in the social and political environments within which the "deregulation fetish" is crucial, but of which it remains only one element. This fetish, as part of a broader assault on the legitimacy of the external regulation of business activity, will not go away; its effects are already being felt in the context of the regulation of occupational safety in the United Kingdom. After outlining recent trends in recorded injuries in U.K. workplaces, with particular reference to manufacturing industries, the author charts the nature and effects of the social and political contexts of the work of U.K. safety regulators in the 1980s. While Thatcher governments withdrew from any direct deregulatory assault on occupational safety, what transpired was a gradual but continual undermining of the ability of these agencies to fulfill their mandated functions. The nature and effects of a new politics of deregulation are examined and this new politics is related to U.K. governmental opposition to European Union influence in domestic social policy, which stands in a symbiotic relationship with the re-emergence of a sustained deregulatory discourse in the United Kingdom.

Accidents, Occupational↗
PubMed2006

Linguistic intergroup bias in political communication.

The Linguistic Intergroup Bias (LIB) illustrates the disposition to communicate positive in-group and negative out-group behaviors more abstractly than negative in-group and positive out-group behaviors. The present research examined the function of language in reinforcing this bias in political communication. To illustrate the LIB, the Linguistic Category Model (LCM) was used, including a nouns category. Because social stereotypes are usually conveyed by nominal terms, the aim was to observe the relationship between stereotypes and language in political communication. Moreover, we were interested in analyzing the psychological processes that drive the LIB. Therefore, we verified whether the LIB is more related to language abstractness than to agent-patient causality. Several political debates and interviews, which took place before the latest Italian provincial elections, were analyzed. Results suggested that the language politicians use in communicating about political groups are conceptualized as stereotypes rather than as trait-based categories. Moreover, it seems that the LIB could not be explained only at a lexical level. Social implications of the present findings in interpersonal relations and causal attribution were discussed.

Adult↗
PubMed1991

Organizational/office politics training: a managerial necessity.

The ability of managers to succeed in health care organizations depends in part on their "political" skills. Memorial Hospital of South Bend, a 526-bed tertiary care facility, supports the professional development of its managers and secretarial staff by offering an in-service program to (1) sensitize participants to the need for political skills, (2) suggest techniques to succeed politically, and (3) emphasize the importance of ethical political actions. The in-service is upbeat and concrete and focuses on solving real problems of participants. This article has described an in-service program that was taught to over 250 managers and secretarial staff from 1985 to 1989.

Curriculum↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Beyond takeovers: politics comes to corporate control.

In the 1990s, politics will replace takeovers as the defining tool for corporate governance challenges, and a marketplace of ideas will replace the frenzied activity that once dominated the financial marketplace in the 1980s. In the transaction-driven market of the past, corporate raiders used junk bonds and other financial tools to take control of their targets. In the new marketplace of ideas, debate will replace debt as active shareholders press specific operating policies for their target corporations in a new politicized market for corporate control. John Pound, associate professor of public policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard, reports that investors are already using shadow management committees, independent director slates, and outside experts to influence management policy. Pound cites Carl Icahn's battle for control of USX as an example of the emerging trend. What began as a hostile takeover ended with a negotiated solution in which many constituencies ultimately played a role in the restructuring of the company. This political approach to governance gives management a chance to embrace a bargain that is in its long-term interest. By promoting politically based tactics, managers can generate political capital with their major investors. Managers in companies as diverse as Avon and Lockheed now meet regularly with investors, seeking their input on both financial and strategic decisions. In the new politicized market for corporate control, striking a bargain with long-term investors is ultimately in the best interest of the corporation.

Decision Making, Organizational↗
PubMed1996

Improving the political skills of health care supervisors.

The health care industry in the United States has been in a state of social, economic, and political flux for several years. This transition has put a great deal of pressure on supervisors, managers, and professionals in the health care field to adapt by acquiring new skills. Much of the emphasis has been on improving technical, managerial, and people know-how. An equally important area of expertise--political skills--has been virtually ignored. This may be due to the negative connotations associated with politics. Ways to enhance political skills are examined.

Communication↗
PubMed2001

Third graders' understanding of core political concepts (law, nation-state, government) before and after teaching.

A curriculum of about 22 hr distributed over 3 months on some core political notions (law, the main Italian political offices, the state) was implemented in an Italian 3rd-grade class of 23 children. Another class of 20 children formed the comparison group. The workings of the executive system were exemplified by explaining the running of the school (which in Italy is state-run). Children's learning and retention of these notions were tested twice, 1 month and 10 months after the end of the curriculum. At pre-test, before implementation of the curriculum, the majority of the children did not have a concept of the political domain: They did not know of parliament and government, hardly distinguished between the law and other types of rules, and did not know that teachers, policemen, and judges are public servants. At post- and delayed post-test, most of the children in the experimental group had mastered the concepts, performing significantly better than the comparison group. Thus, the development of political understanding appears to be due to the acquisition of relevant domain-specific knowledge rather than the emergence of across-the-board logic ability.

Child↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Strengthening nurses' political identity through service learning partnerships in education.

The extent to which nursing students are educationally prepared to lead health policy initiatives is inextricably linked to their political identity. Knowing and showing oneself to be a politic person in interactions with others is a dynamic social process that the authors propose can be facilitated by innovative, community-based service learning partnerships. A partnership between an elected city councilman and Registered Nurses in a baccalaureate-level professional issues course demonstrates how service learning can create a context for students' political socialization. In a pilot study, systematic qualitative research techniques were used to analyze the partners' reflections about their relationship. Findings suggest that students' political identities were developed through involvement in the community. Working on issues of mutual interest also raised policy makers' and nurses' consciousness of the value both groups contribute to addressing problems in urban communities.

Adult↗
PubMed2004

Political science, public policy, and drug use prevention.

Increasingly, drug use prevention programs and research are being considered in the environmental contexts in which they occur. One context that is rarely considered is the political context. This article examines the reciprocal effects of policy and prevention programs from four perspectives representing different contexts, beginning with political science, and followed by social work and public health administration, psychology, and education. Four specific issues are considered. First is how current national policies on drug use shape our nation's prevention efforts, from a political science perspective. Second is how effective prevention programs can affect and shape policy change. This issue is considered from a social and public health administration perspective. Third is how policy change can act as an intervention to prevent drug use, from the perspective of psychology. The fourth issue is how dissemination of prevention programs and policies can impact drug use prevention. This question considers an educational perspective. The perspectives are integrated into a general conceptual model to improve our understanding of how drug use prevention occurs in a national political context. Finally, examples are given of how this model might inform the other perspectives represented in this special issue on transdisciplinary drug abuse prevention research.

Humans↗
PubMed2005

[The relation between political orientation and analytical work, discussed on the basis of Edith Jacobson Berlin's papers (1930-1937)].

The author discusses the context of the left-wing Freudians in whose circles Edith Jacobson moved in Germany. Her psychoanalytical papers, written and published prior to her emigration, are examined as to whether at all or in which way they are marked by the >>political<< psychoanalysis as represented by W. Reich, O. Fenichel and others. In contrast ot Reich, Jacobson was careful about voicing explicit comments on society and its institutions, even before 1933. She expressed her political opinions in an implicit and hidden way, namely in her clinical work. In particular she emphasized the role of external reality, summed up in the so-called >>original formula of neurosis<< according to which neurotic disorder results primarily from a conflict between drive and social reality rather than from inner conflict. Jacobson and her like minded friends saw this view as an expression of their political attitude, directed both against certain aspects of Freud's (and A. Freud's) theories, e.g. primary masochism, and the emerging Kleinian school. At the same time it was a point of agreement between the left-wing Freudians and their Viennese colleagues. The author highlights the fact that, and explains the reasons why, we no longer perceive the hidden political dimension in the papers of Jacobson (or in those of Fenichel, Gero and others).

Freudian Theory↗